People, Halt aid over scandal is the way to save Congo from the Museveni and Kagame. Congo people need a life. Playing bully will not save Africa from poverty and the scramble of Africa. New focus of sharing under peace will help and save East Africa from falling into a much bigger scam. It is time to wake up people and use peoples power to change how leaders should play their cards in Governorship........People must decide how they should be governored........One man is not an island...........and one man should not be left to destroy a Nation....let your voices speak out people.... Judy Miriga Diaspora Spokesperson Executive Director Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc., USA http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com Germany halts aid to Uganda over corruption scandalReuters – Sun, Dec 2, 2012
BERLIN (Reuters) - Germany has suspended aid to Uganda in protest over corruption and alleged military support for rebels in Congo, making it the latest European country to halt payments in the wake of a scandal involving the theft of donors' funds. The corruption scandal, involving the siphoning off of some $13 million in donor funds, has already led Britain - Uganda's biggest donor - to suspend aid to Kampala. Denmark, Norway and Ireland have followed suit. "Even though no German funds are affected (by the scandal), I have ordered that Germany, in unison with other aid donors, withhold payment of budget aid," German International Development Minister Dirk Niebel said. "We thereby send a clear message ... (Aid) is an expression of our highest trust in responsible governance by our cooperation partners," he said in a statement issued on Friday. He gave no figures for the amount in question but said aid pledges for 2013-2015 had also been "put on ice". Uganda has said it is determined to punish all officials involved in embezzling the money, which was meant to fund recovery efforts in northern areas of the country after a lengthy insurgency by the Lord's Resistance Army. Niebel said Germany was also disturbed by suggestions that Uganda provided logistical and material support for the M23 rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo and said the claims needed to be verified. Uganda denies backing the rebels in its western neighbour. Germany was equally concerned about legislation that will impose an array of jail terms for convicted homosexuals, including life imprisonment in certain circumstances. U.S. President Barack Obama has branded the bill as "odious". "If discrimination against human rights is voted through by the Ugandan parliament, this would have consequences for our cooperation," said Niebel. Aid accounts for about 25 percent of Uganda's annual budget. Cutting the funds would put public investments in health and education at risk in Africa's largest coffee exporter. UK freezes aid to Rwanda over Congo rebel claimsReuters – Fri, Nov 30, 2012
LONDON (Reuters) - Britain said on Friday it was withholding 21 million pounds of aid to Rwanda because of reports the African state is supporting rebels in neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo. The UK, Rwanda's largest bilateral donor, is the latest Western partner to freeze aid to Kigali following an independent United Nations report that Rwanda is behind an eight-month-old rebellion responsible for the worst fighting in eastern Congo for years. Britain's International Development Secretary Justine Greening said the funds, which had been due to be disbursed in December, would not be released because Rwanda's government had breached the principles underlying their aid agreement. Rwanda has repeatedly denied any involvement with Congo's M23 rebel group, whose clashes with the Congolese army have forced around 470,000 people to flee their homes. "The government has already set out its concerns over credible and compelling reports of Rwandan involvement with M23 in DRC," Greening said in a statement. "This evidence constitutes a breach of the partnership principles set out in the Memorandum of Understanding and, as a result, I have decided not to release the next payment of budget support to Rwanda." Britain had already frozen budget support to Rwanda in July, after a UN interim report accused officials in Rwanda of backing M23. The findings prompted other major Western partners, including the European Union and the United States, to suspend aid to Rwanda, which relies on such support for about 40 percent of its budget. However, Britain's former international development secretary Andrew Mitchell unblocked part of the cash in September, praising the Rwandan state for what he said were its constructive efforts to solve the conflict. Britain has long been one of Rwanda's staunchest allies. On its website, Britain's Department for International Development says it plans to spend an average of 83 million pounds per year in Rwanda until 2015. It also said on Friday it would provide a further 18 million pounds of support for immediate humanitarian needs in Congo. Britain freezes aid to Uganda over corruption concernsReuters – Sat, Nov 17, 2012
LONDON (Reuters) - Britain has suspended all aid to the government of Uganda over new evidence that British taxpayers' money may have been stolen, Development Secretary Justine Greening said on Friday. Four European countries including Britain had already suspended some aid to Kampala over a growing scandal involving the theft of $13 million in donor funds meant for the reconstruction of two impoverished regions. Britain had planned to channel a total of 27 million pounds in aid money through the Ugandan government this financial year. Friday's announcement means Kampala will not receive the remaining 11 million pounds that had been due by the end of March. "Unless the Government of Uganda can show that UK taxpayers' money is going towards helping the poorest people lift themselves out of poverty, this aid will remain frozen and we will expect repayment and administrative and criminal sanctions," the Department for International Development said in a statement. Norway, Ireland and Denmark have also suspended aid to Uganda. Britain had already frozen aid specifically to the prime minister's office in August. Uganda's auditor general has implicated officials from the prime minister's office in embezzlement on a grand scale. The scandal adds to concerns about corruption under President Yoweri Museveni, whose critics say has created a culture of impunity for cronies who steal public money while remaining loyal to the ruling party. The History of Patrice Lumumba, the Congo, and Colonization Uploaded by know4life on Mar 10, 2011 I interview Asst. Prof. Opolot Okia on The History of Patrice Lumumba, the Congo, and European Colonization of Africa. Very informed and knowledgeable Prof. Honourable proffessor Okia Opolot you are a treassure sir. You are very eloquent and humble, its very i dont know euphoric to have a vast history digested with such fluency as you have done in this 40 minutes. You are a true son of our forefathers sir> thank you white american here- fuck the new world order, they would enslave us and murder us all if they could. stand with our African brothers against evil. freedom for all or freedom for none The scramble for Africa and the genocidal globalists are still commiting these crimes today. DEATH TO THE NEW WORLD ORDER!!!! Only just found out about Patrice Lumumba and Thomas Sankara amazing these are true Black men who wanted the best for Africa! Wasn't Lumumba's assassination sanctioned by Eisenhower, through Alan Dulles, to be carried out by CIA officer, Lawrence Devlin? I remember reading somewhere (maybe by John Stockwell?) that Devlin offered the young Joseph Mobuto something around $25K to get the job done, but Mobutu sneered at him and told him he doesn't need the money. And what happened in the Congo then (and now) was (and is) an African Holocaust. bastard leopold should have been hanged in public. instead this motherfucker's statue is all over belgium. what to say? sad. From an Economic standpoint, you could see what was going to happen. With declining rubber production, it became more economically viable to simply raise the cut hand tarrif than to find more wild rubber. Soon, whole tribes were engaged to cut people's off hands rather than to pick rubber---and it just gutted the Congo population. Remember SIR Rodger Casement (Irish 1916 revolt)?. He earned his knighthood detailing the hands economy and exposing it. This lead to Leopold II losing Free Congo! Michael Goncalves 3 weeks ago Permit me to tell you about the hands. In the late 1880s, rubber was the wonder compound and was in short supply. There was only two ways to obtain it---pick it in the wild (Congo) or harvest it via a Plantation (vietnam). For a while, it was easy to pick wild rubber but it became scarce. Thinking his Negro labourers were shirking off, a bounty system was inserted. Each picker had to fill X baskets else lose a hand. When wild rubber became harder & harder to find, one could substitute hands... Everyone Considers Alexander the Great a great and leader but when we defeated the defenders of Tyre---he executed the men, sold the women & children as Slaves and destroyed the city/civilization. Judged by TODAY's STANDARDS, Alexander would be in the same catagory as the Nazis, Judged by HIS TIMES, he did what was expected of 'good governance. Thats why one must NEVER judge people by their current mores & laws but by THEIR mores & laws. Therefore, by the Mores of 1900, I condemn King Leopold II Hahahaha. Whatever you say in your broken English, bro. The actual Moors weren't even black. britain was no better he was queen victorias uncle,what did she do? queen victorias uncle The broken heart of Africa - the Congo Uploaded by markellion on Aug 21, 2008 Can watch the whole documentary here: I find it extremely difficult to find any words to adequately describe the way Africans were and still are being treated by white people. White people need to get off their high horse and take their heads out of the clouds and come down to reality, see what's real. The truth does hurts and it won't be an easy ride for sure. But at least you will know the truth about Africa and it's people, along with the lies and destruction conceived and still maintained today by the white man. Congo 20million dead the role US and its allies played Uploaded by conelle006 on Jul 1, 2011 CONGO 20MILLION DIE AND THE WORLD SILENT: The role that the America/Isreal and its allies, Rwanda/Uganda, have played in the greatest humanitarian crisis at the dawn of the 21st century.. BLOOD DIAMONDS--The True Story. Uploaded by Bob Bangso on Dec 24, 2011 Blood Diamonds, The True Story Documentary of Sierra Leone, Angola, and the Republic of the Congo. Blood Coltan Uploaded by my3rd3y3 on Jan 11, 2012 (FULL DOCUMENTARY) Anonymous - #Operation Coltan/Congo Published on Jun 3, 2012 by AnonymousOpNews Anonymous Website: http://Anon-Op-News.Net.Tc Congolese drivers navigate trucks laden with goods and passengers through jungle floods for hundreds of kilometres. Blackwater: The Rise Of The World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army Uploaded by PigMine3 on Jan 1, 2011 From: Blackwater gets a free pass to kill non combatants and civilians. in reply to shortcoursetim(Show the comment) 3 months ago 14 "Mercenaries" In The Modern World (Part 1 of 7) Uploaded by TheGameTheMovie on Dec 21, 2010 Shadow Company is an introduction to the mercenary and private military company industry, concentrating on the role the industry has been playing in recent conflicts. Was considered by human rights organisations, the Pentagon, and the Private Military Contractors themselves to be a balanced account of private military companies. Kagame's Hidden War in the CongoKagame's Hidden War in the Congo is a review by Howard W. French of the following three books from The New York Review of Books Magazine. Sunday December 2nd 2012 Africa's World War: Congo, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Making of a Continental Catastrophe, by Gérard Prunier, Oxford University Press, The Dynamics of Violence in Central Africa by René Lemarchand, University of Pennsylvania Press, The Congo Wars: Conflict, Myth and Reality by Thomas Turner, Zed Books. Although it has been strangely ignored in the Western press, one of the most destructive wars in modern history has been going on in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Africa's third-largest country. During the past eleven years millions of people have died, while armies from as many as nine different African countries fought with Congolese government forces and various rebel groups for control of land and natural resources. Much of the fighting has taken place in regions of northeastern and eastern Congo that are rich in minerals such as gold, diamonds, tin, and coltan, which is used in manufacturing electronics.  Few realize that a main force driving this conflict has been the largely Tutsi army of neighboring Rwanda, along with several Congolese groups supported by Rwanda. The reason for this involvement, according to Rwandan president Paul Kagame, is the continued threat to Rwanda posed by the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu militia that includes remnants of the army that carried out the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Until now, the US and other Western powers have generally supported Kagame diplomatically. And in January, Congo president Joseph Kabila, whose weak government has long had limited influence in the eastern part of the country, entered a surprise agreement with Kagame to allow Rwandan forces back into eastern Congo to fight the FDLR. But the extent of the Hutu threat to Rwanda is much debated, and observers note that Rwandan-backed forces have themselves been responsible for much of the violence in eastern Congo over the years.Rwanda's intervention in Congo began in 1996. Two years earlier, Kagame's Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) had invaded Rwanda from neighboring Uganda, defeating the government in Kigali and ending the genocide of some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. As Kagame installed a minority Tutsi regime in Rwanda, some two million Hutu refugees fled to UN-run camps, mostly in Congo's North and South Kivu provinces. These provinces, which occupy an area of about 48,000 square miles—slightly larger than the state of Pennsylvania—are situated along Congo's eastern border with Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi and together have a population of more than five million people. In addition to containing rich deposits of minerals, North and South Kivu have, since the precolonial era, been subject to large waves of migration by people from Rwanda, including both Hutus and Tutsis. In recent decades these Rwandans have competed with more established residents for control of land. Following Kagame's consolidation of power in Rwanda, a large invasion force of Rwandan Tutsis arrived in North and South Kivu to pursue Hutu militants and to launch a war against the three-decade-long dictatorship of Congo (then known as Zaire) by Mobutu Sese Seko, whom they claimed was giving refuge to the leaders of the genocide. With Rwandan and Ugandan support, a new regime led by Laurent Kabila was installed in Kinshasa, the Congolese capital. But after Kabila ordered the Rwandan troops to leave in 1998, Kagame responded with a new and even larger invasion of the country.  Kabila's hold on power was saved at this point by Angola and Zimbabwe, which rushed troops into Congo to repel the Rwandan invaders. Angola was motivated by fears that Congolese territory would be used as a rear base by the longtime Angolan rebel leader Jonas Savimbi, following the renewed outbreak of that country's civil war. Zimbabwe appears to have been drawn by promises of access to Congolese minerals. The protracted and inconclusive conflict that followed has become what Gérard Prunier, in the title of his sprawling book, calls "Africa's World War," a catastrophic decade of violence that has led to a staggering 5.4 million deaths, far more than any war anywhere since World War II.1 It also has resulted in one of the largest—and least followed—UN interventions in the world, involving nearly 20,000 UN soldiers from over forty countries. Throughout this conflict, Rwanda—a small, densely populated country with few natural resources of its own—has pursued Congo's enormous mineral wealth. Initially, the Rwandan Patriotic Front was directly operating mining businesses in Congo, according to UN investigators; more recently, Rwanda has attempted to maintain control of regions of eastern Congo through various proxy armies. Among these, none has been more lethal than the militia led by Laurent Nkunda, Congo's most notorious warlord, whose record of violence in eastern Congo includes destroying entire villages, committing mass rapes, and causing hundreds of thousands of Congolese to flee their homes. Nkunda is a Congolese Tutsi who is believed to have fought in both the Rwandan civil war and the subsequent war against Mobutu. In 2002, he was dispatched by the Rwandan government to Kisangani—an inland city in eastern Congo whose nearby gold mines have been fought over by Ugandan and Rwandan-backed forces. Nkunda committed numerous atrocities there, including the massacre of some 160 people, according to Human Rights Watch. In 2004, Nkunda declined a military appointment by Congo's transitional government, choosing instead to back a Tutsi insurgency in North Kivu near the Rwandan border. He claimed that his actions were aimed at preventing an impending genocide of Tutsis in Congo. Most observers say that these claims were groundless. Nkunda's insurgency was put down, but clashes between his rebels, government forces, and other groups continued to foster ethnic tensions in eastern Congo, including widespread sexual violence against women; in 2005, the UN estimated that some 45,000 women were raped in South Kivu alone.2 And in the fall of 2008, Nkunda—apparently with Kagame's encouragement—led a new offensive of Tutsi rebels in North Kivu that uprooted about 200,000 civilians and threatened to capture the city of Goma, near the Rwandan border. In January 2009, however, the Rwandan government made a surprise decision to arrest Nkunda. Kagame's willingness to move against Nkunda appears to stem, in part, from increasing international scrutiny of Rwanda's meddling in eastern Congo. The arrest took place just after the release of a UN report documenting Rwanda's close ties to the warlord, and concluding that he was being used to advance Rwanda's economic interests in Congo's eastern hinterlands. The report stated that Rwandan authorities had "been complicit in the recruitment of soldiers, including children, have facilitated the supply of military equipment, and have sent officers and units from the Rwandan Defense Forces," while giving Nkunda access to Rwandan bank accounts and allowing him to launch attacks on the Congolese army from Rwandan soil. Following Nkunda's arrest, Congo president Joseph Kabila agreed to allow Rwandan forces to conduct a five-week joint military operation in eastern Congo against Hutu rebels.3 But attacks against civilians have increased precipitously since the joint operation, and with Hutu and Tutsi militias still active it remains unclear whether there will be a lasting peace between Rwanda and Congo.  Africa's World War is the most ambitious of several remarkable new books that reexamine the extraordinary tragedy of Congo and Central Africa since the Rwandan genocide of 1994. Along with René Lemarchand's The Dynamics of Violence in Central Africa and Thomas Turner's The Congo Wars: Conflict, Myth and Reality, Prunier's Africa's World War explores arguments that have circulated among scholars of sub-Saharan Africa for years. Prunier himself, who is an East Africa specialist at the University of Paris, has previously written a highly regarded account of the genocide. But these books will surprise many whose knowledge of the region is based on popular accounts of the genocide and its aftermath. In all three, the Kagame regime, and its allies in Central Africa, are portrayed not as heroes but rather as opportunists who use moral arguments to advance economic interests. And their supporters in the United States and Western Europe emerge as alternately complicit, gullible, or simply confused. For their part in bringing intractable conflict to a region that had known very little armed violence for nearly thirty years, all the parties—so these books argue—deserve blame, including the United States.The concentrated evil of the methodical Hutu slaughter of Tutsis in 1994 is widely known. For many it has long been understood as a grim, if fairly simple, morality play: the Hutus were extremist killers, while the Tutsis of the RPF are portrayed as avenging angels, who swooped in from their bases in Uganda to stop the genocide. But Lemarchand and Prunier show that the story was far more complicated. They both depict the forces of Kagame's Rwandan Patriotic Front as steely, power-driven killers themselves. "When the genocide did start, saving Tutsi civilians was not a priority," Prunier writes. "Worse, one of the most questionable of the RPF ideologues coolly declared in September 1994 that the 'interior' Tutsi"—those who had remained in Rwanda and not gone into exile in Uganda years earlier—"deserved what happened to them 'because they did not want to flee as they were getting rich doing business'" with the former Hutu regime. He also notes that the RPF "unambiguously opposed" all talk of a foreign intervention, however unlikely, to stop the genocide, apparently because such intervention could have prevented Kagame from taking full power. Moreover, slaughter during the one hundred days of genocide was not the monopoly of the Hutus, as is widely believed. Both Lemarchand and Prunier recount the work of RPF teams that roamed the countryside methodically exterminating ordinary, unarmed Hutu villagers.4 This sort of killing, rarely mentioned in press accounts of the genocide, continued well after the war was over. For example, on April 22, 1995, units of the new national army surrounded the Kibeho refugee camp in south Rwanda, where about 150,000 Hutu refugees stood huddled shoulder to shoulder, and opened fire on the crowd with rifles and with 60mm mortars.5 According to Prunier, a thirty- two-member team of the Australian Medical Corps had counted 4,200 corpses at the camp before being stopped by the Rwandan army. Prunier calls the Kagame regime's use of violence in that period "something that resembles neither the genocide nor uncontrolled revenge killings, but rather a policy of political control through terror." Some commentators in the United States have viewed Kagame as a sort of African Konrad Adenauer, crediting him with bringing stability and rapid economic growth to war-torn Rwanda, while running an administration considered to be one of the more efficient in Africa. In the nine years he has led the country (after serving as interim president, he won an election to a seven-year term in 2003), he has also gotten attention for the reconciliation process he has imposed on villages throughout Rwanda. Firmly opposed to such views, the three authors reviewed here characterize Kagame's regime as more closely resembling a minority ethnic autocracy. In a recent interview, Prunier dismissed the recently much-touted reconciliation efforts, calling post-genocide Rwanda "a very well-managed ethnic, social, and economic dictatorship." True reconciliation, he said, "hinges on cash, social benefits, jobs, property rights, equality in front of the courts, and educational opportunities," all of which are heavily stacked against the roughly 85 percent of the population that is Hutu, a problem that in Prunier's view presages more conflict in the future. In his book, Lemarchand, an emeritus professor at the University of Florida who has done decades of fieldwork in the region, observes that Hutus have been largely excluded from important positions of power in Kagame's Rwanda, and that the state's military and security forces are pervasive. "The political decisions with the gravest consequences for the nation…are undertaken by the RPF's Tutsi leadership, not by the political establishment," he writes Those concerns are shared by human rights groups, which have documented the suppression of dissent in Rwanda.Freedom House ranked Rwanda 183 out of 195 countries in press freedom in 2008, while Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have also described the Rwandan government as imposing harsh and arbitrary justice—including long-term incarceration without trial and life sentences in solitary confinement. Other Western observers and human rights activists have noted that the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda has never properly investigated atrocities committed by Tutsis. In June, more than seventy scholars from North American and European universities wrote an open letter to the UN secretary-general, President Barack Obama, and Prime Minister Gordon Brown expressing "grave concern at the ongoing failure" of the tribunal to bring "indictments against those soldiers of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) who committed crimes against humanity and war crimes in Rwanda in 1994," and warning that this omission may cause the tribunal "to be dismissed as 'victor's justice.'" On the question of Rwanda's principal motive for seeking to control or destabilize eastern Congo, the books broadly agree: Kagame and his government want, as Lemarchand writes, "continued access to the Congo's economic wealth." Lemarchand says that within Congo itself the FDLR poses a "clear and present danger to Tutsi and other communities." Like Prunier, though, he concludes that the threat the Hutu group poses to Rwanda's own security is "vastly exaggerated," noting that its fighters "are no match" for Rwandan and Rwanda-backed forces amounting to "70,000 men under arms and a sophisticated military arsenal, consisting of armored personnel carriers (APCs), tanks, and helicopters." Thomas Turner draws parallels between the exploitation of Congo by Rwanda and Uganda and the brutal late-nineteenth-century regime of King Leopold of Belgium, whose thirst for empire drove his acquisition of what became known as the Congo Free State. Citing a 2001 United Nations investigation of the conflict, Turner concludes: Resource extraction from eastern Congo, occupied by Uganda and Rwanda until recently, would seem to constitute "pure" pillage…. Much as in Free State days, the Congo was financing the occupation of a portion of its own territory. Unlike Free State days, none of the proceeds of this pillage were being reinvested. According to a 2005 report on the Rwandan economy by the South African Institute for Security Studies, Rwanda's officially recorded coltan production soared nearly tenfold between 1999 and 2001, from 147 tons to 1,300 tons, surpassing revenues from the country's main traditional exports, tea and coffee, for the first time. "Part of the increase in production is due to the opening of new mines in Rwanda," the report said. "However, the increase is primarily due to the fraudulent re-export of coltan of Congolese origin." When Rwanda moved to invade Mobutu's Zaire in 1996, Prunier says, the country's administration "was so rotten that the brush of a hand could cause it to collapse." Since the 1960s, Congo had remained relatively stable by virtue of a confluence of circumstances, which suddenly no longer held. After backing the wrong side during the Rwandan genocide, France had lost its will or interest in playing its longtime part as regional patron to several client regimes. Following the removal of Mobutu, who often did the bidding of Western powers, there was no longer any clear regional strongman to mediate disputes. The allegiance of African states to the idea of permanently fixed borders, which had held firm since independence, was being challenged. And finally, the vacuum created by Mobutu's overthrow unleashed fierce competition for Congolese coltan and other resources and led to what Turner calls the "militarization of commerce" by both foreign governments and rebel groups. In allowing the Rwandan invasion of Zaire, the United States had two very different goals. The most immediate was the clearing of over one million Hutu refugees from UN camps near the Rwandan border, which had become bases for vengeful elements of the defeated Hutu army and Interahamwe militia, the agents of the Rwandan genocide. In Prunier's telling: When Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Susan Rice came back from her first trip to the Great Lakes region [of East Africa], a member of her staff said, "Museveni [of Uganda] and Kagame agree that the basic problem in the Great Lakes is the danger of a resurgence of genocide and they know how to deal with that. The only thing we [i.e., the US] have to do is look the other way." The gist of Prunier's anecdote is correct, except that participants have confirmed to me that it was Rice herself who spoke these words. In fact, getting the Hutu militia out of the UN camps was rapidly achieved in November 1996 by shelling them from Rwandan territory. Thereafter, the war against Mobutu dominated international headlines, overshadowing a secret Rwanda campaign that targeted for slaughter the Hutu populations that had fled into Congo. Here again, Washington provided vital cover. At the time, the American ambassador to Congo, Daniel Howard Simpson, told me flatly that the fleeing Hutus were "the bad guys."6 One of the worst massacres by Kagame's Tutsi forces took place at the Tingi-Tingi refugee camp in northeastern Congo, which by 1997 contained over 100,000 Hutu refugees. But on January 21, 1997, Robert E. Gribbin, Simpson's counterpart in Rwanda, cabled Washington with the following advice: We should pull out of Tingi-Tingi and stop feeding the killers who will run away to look for other sustenance, leaving their hostages behind…. If we do not we will be trading the children in Tingi-Tingi for the children who will be killed and orphaned in Rwanda. There was a grim half-truth to Gribbin's assessment. The Hutu fighters traveling amid the refugees were often able to avoid engagement with their Tutsi pursuers by fleeing westward into the Congolese rain forest. The genuine refugees, who by UNHCR's estimate accounted for 93 percent of the Hutus in flight, could not. The best evidence suggests that they died by the scores of thousands in their flight across Congo, in what Lemarchand calls "a genocide of attrition." Prunier estimates the number killed in this manner at 300,000.7 In August 1997, the UN began to investigate Tutsi killings of Hutu civilians and, as Turner recounts, "a preliminary report identified forty massacre sites." But the investigators were stonewalled by Kabila's Congo government—then still backed by Rwanda—and received little support from Washington. Roberto Garreton, a Chilean human rights lawyer who headed the UN investigation, was barred from the Rwandan capital of Kigali and his team was largely kept from the field in Congo. Garreton later wrote: One cannot of course ignore the presence of persons guilty of genocide, soldiers and militia members, among the refugees…. It is nevertheless unacceptable to claim that more than one million people, including large numbers of children, should be collectively designated as persons guilty of genocide and liable to execution without trial. Rwanda's designs on eastern Congo were further helped by the Clinton administration's interest in promoting a group of men it called the New African Leaders, including the heads of state of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Uganda, and Rwanda. As Clinton officials saw it, these New Leaders were sympathetic and businesslike, drawn together by such desirable goals as overthrowing Mobutu, by antagonism toward the Islamist government of Sudan, which shares a border with northeast Congo, and by talk of rethinking Africa's hitherto sacrosanct borders, as a means of creating more viable states. Then Assistant Secretary of State Rice touted the New Leaders as pursuing "African solutions to African problems." In 1999, Marina Ottaway, the influential Africa expert of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, told the Senate Subcommittee on Africa: Many of the states that emerged from the colonial period have ceased to exist in practice…. The problem is to create functioning states, either by re-dividing territory or by creating new institutional arrangements such as decentralized federations or even confederations. In fact, the favored group of African leaders were also authoritarian figures with military backgrounds, all of whom had scorned democratic elections. According to Turner, support for the New Leaders "apparently meant that the USA and Britain should continue to aid Rwanda and Uganda as they 'found solutions' by carving up Congo." As in the case of the Rwandan genocide, Lemarchand suggests, the policies of the United States and other Western powers toward the conflict in Congo have been misguided in part out of ignorance of Central Africa's complicated twentieth-century history. Episodes of appalling violence in this region have occurred periodically at least since 1959, and cannot be remedied without first understanding their deeper causes. As Lemarchand writes: From the days of the Hutu revolution in Rwanda [in 1959–1962] to the invasion of the "refugee warriors" from Uganda [under Kagame's leadership] in 1994, from the huge exodus of Hutu from Burundi in 1972 to the "cleansing" of Hutu refugee camps in 1996–97, the pattern that emerges again and again is one in which refugee populations serve as the vehicles through which ethnic identities are mobilized and manipulated, host communities preyed upon, and external resources extracted. Some will always quibble with where to begin this story, whether with colonial favoritism for the Tutsis by Belgium in the first half of the twentieth century, or with Brussels's flip-flop in 1959 in favor of the Hutus on the eve of Rwandan independence, which led to the anti-Tutsi pogroms that sent Kagame's family and those of so many others of his RPF comrades into exile in Uganda. These events in turn had far-reaching effects on Rwanda's small neighbor Burundi, a German and later Belgian colony that gained independence in 1962 and, like Rwanda, has a large Hutu majority and Tutsi minority. In 1972, an extremist Tutsi regime there, driven by a fear of being overthrown, carried out the first genocide since the Holocaust, killing 300,000 Hutus. In the West, the Burundi genocide is scarcely remembered, but its consequences live on in the region. Terrorized Hutus streamed out of Burundi into Rwanda, helping to set Rwanda onto a path of Hutu extremism, and priming it for its own genocide two decades later. The final instigator of the Rwandan tragedy was the mysterious shooting down of a presidential plane on April 6, 1994, which killed presidents Juvénal Habyarimana of Rwanda and Cyprien Ntaramyira of Burundi, who were both Hutu. This precipitated the horrific massacre of Rwandan Tutsis, but also a broader Hutu–Tutsi conflict, which by 1996 had begun to tear apart large swaths of eastern Congo. The events that have followed Rwanda's arrest of the warlord Nkunda in January of this year suggest that Congo and Rwanda have finally found reasons to sue for peace. Congo's weak government and corrupt army are powerless to fight Rwanda or its proxies, and there is desperate need to rebuild the state from scratch. Rwanda, meanwhile, is seeking to placate important European aid donors, who account for as much as half of Rwanda's annual budget and who, for the first time since its initial invasion of Congo in 1996, are asking difficult questions about its behavior there As part of the deal that gave Rwandan forces another chance to fight Hutu militias in eastern Congo last spring, Kagame agreed to withdraw Rwanda's support for the Tutsi insurgency in eastern Congo while at the same time pressing Congolese Tutsis to integrate into Congo's national army. Kagame hopes now to find a legal means to sustain Rwanda's economic hold on eastern Congo, for example by promoting civilian business interests in the area. These are often run by ex-military officers or people with close ties to the Rwandan armed forces. In interviews, both Prunier and Lemarchand say that the direct plunder of resources by the Rwandan military has ceased, but that a large "subterranean" trade in minerals has continued through corrupt Congolese politicians and local militias. For its part, the United States has begun to acknowledge the scale of the problem in eastern Congo. In August, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton paid a two-day visit to the country, during which she described the conflict as driven by "exploitation of natural resources" and announced a $17 million program to help women who have been raped in the fighting. Notwithstanding these developments, the conflict in the east has been surging again, as the UN-backed Congolese army pursues a new campaign against Hutu rebels.8 It is hard to dispute Lemarchand's logic. Without addressing the problems of exclusion and participation, whether in a Rwanda ruled by a small Tutsi minority or in heavily armed eastern Congo, where contending ethnic groups want to get hold of the region's spoils, it will be impossible to end this catastrophe. —August 25, 2009 Congo-Kinshasa: UN Welcomes Withdrawal of M23 Armed Group From Goma, Calls for Stability to Be Maintained2 December 2012The United Nations has welcomed the withdrawal of the 23 March Movement (M23) armed group from Goma, a provincial capital in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), while also calling for stability be maintained in order to allow for humanitarian aid to reach those in need. "We welcome this withdrawal, but emphasise that this is an early step and that stability in the region remains very fragile," the spokesperson for the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), Kieran Dwyer, told the UN News Centre today. "It is critical that the M23 comply with the terms of the communiqué of the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) restricting them outside the 20 kilometre zone around Goma and that they cease all military activity while a long-lasting solution continues to be worked on," he added. The city of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, had been occupied last week by fighters with the M23 - a rebel group composed of soldiers who mutinied from the DRC national army in April - after a steady advance over preceding days, which included clashes with the national army, known by the French acronym FARDC. The move drew widespread condemnation and calls for the fighters' immediate withdrawal, including from Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and the Security Council. It also caused a humanitarian emergency, with tens of thousands of people uprooted amidst armed clashes and reports of targeted summary executions, the widespread recruitment and use of children, unconfirmed cases of sexual violence, and other serious human rights abuses. As part of its efforts to support the national army, the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) deployed attack helicopters in aid of the FARDC's efforts to halt the M23 advance. The peacekeeping mission has 6,700 and 4,000 troops in the provinces of North and South Kivu, respectively, including, in some places, behind the M23 lines. North Kivu alone is four times the size of Belgium. In Goma, the mission has some 1,500 'blue helmets.' During the M23 occupation, they controlled the city's airport and conducted regular patrols, in line with their mandate to provide protection for civilians. "MONUSCO mobilised 17 rapid reaction units in the city throughout the day to monitor the M23 withdrawal which took place in a largely orderly manner," Mr. Dwyer said, adding that its troops also secured key installations, including the Central Bank, Governor's House and communications infrastructure at Goma Hill. The withdrawal is in line with an ICGLR communiqué issued on 25 November, which, in addition to the establishment of the so-called neutral zone, also urged the rebel group to stop the violence and threats to depose the DRC Government. The communiqué was issued after a meeting of the regional grouping - attended by several African heads of State - in the Ugandan capital of Kampala. Throughout Saturday, UN peacekeepers escorted DRC national police, who had arrived from the city of Bukavu on 30 November, to various vital installations. "MONUSCO expects the deployment of an additional 1,000 Congolese national police to Goma in the coming days to control law and order in the city," Mr. Dwyer added. MONUSCO also continues to monitor the movements of M23 in the withdrawal to the 20 kilometre Neutral Zone, and has begun monitoring and patrolling this zone in accordance with the ICGLR communiqué. UN humanitarian agencies and their partners have been working to provide assistance, including food, water and shelter, to around 140,000 people uprooted in North Kivu province - of which Goma is the capital - over the last week. The situation arose within the context of an existing humanitarian crisis in eastern DRC - there were already 2.4 million internally displaced persons in the country, including more than 1.6 million in the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu. "The people of the region have suffered too much as a result of armed groups. Well over 100,000 people urgently need humanitarian assistance, including food, health care and shelter," Mr. Dwyer said. "In order for government, UN and other humanitarian assistance to be able to reach those in need, it is critical that stability be maintained and the rights of civilians be respected." He added, "Access for humanitarian assistance in all areas is a critical priority in the coming days, while MONUSCO works to consolidate stability in the 20 kilometre Neutral Zone." On Friday, the Security Council's so-called 1533 Committee - which deals with an arms embargo that applies to non-governmental entities and individuals operating in eastern DRC, as well as targeted travel and financial sanctions - added two M23 leaders to its list of individuals and entities subject to sanction measures. The two are Baudoin Ngaruye, the group's third-highest ranked military leader, and Innocent Kaina, a sector commander - both men are said to be responsible for severe violations of human rights and international law, ranging from killings and abductions to the recruitment and training of child soldiers. Congo-Kinshasa: United Nations Protest Suspension of Radio Okapi By CSAC 2 December 2012 press release Kinshasa — The United Nations Organization Mission Stabilization in the Democratic Republic of Congo expresses deep disappointment at a decision taken by the Conseil Supérieur de l'Audiovisuel et de la Communication (CSAC) on 30 November to suspend the transmissions of Radio Okapi. "This is particularly unfortunate given the current very sensitive and difficult situation in North Kivu province", says Roger Meece, the Special Representative of the Secretary General and Head of the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in the DRC, MONUSCO. "Radio Okapi is broadcasting essential messages to the population with appeals for calm by religious and other leaders, communication regarding a city curfew by Provincial government authorities, and other essential information. We find the timing and lack of notification by the CSAC puzzling and regrettable. We will be registering an official protest of this action with Congolese authorities", added Mr. Meece. The decision to suspend Radio Okapi not communicated either to Radio Okapi nor MONUSCO. However, MONUSCO was able to obtain a copy of the CSAC written decree citing a dispute over the submission of program scheduling to the CSAC as the basis for this decision. Given the seriousness of the security situation in Goma, the Special Representative took the decision to use alternate means to ensure continued and intermediate transmission of Radio Okapi in North Kivu. All members of the UN system, including the United Nations Country Team and MONUSCO, remain fully committed to addressing urgently the humanitarian and security needs of the population in North Kivu, providing full support to achieving a resolution of the threat posed by M23 military actions as rapidly as possible, and establishment more broadly of long-term peace and security for the people of North Kivu and the region. President Kagame on M23 Presidents Kagame, Museveni hold joint press conference- Kampala, 27 January 2012 RWANDA - THE ILLUMINATI EMPIRE - TRAINED IN CUBA & FORT LEAVENWORTH - GATEWAY TO DRC Uploaded by youpolitics on Jul 24, 2010 RWANDA - THE ILLUMINATI EMPIRE - TRAINED IN CUBA & FORT LEAVENWORTH - GATEWAY TO DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo) Congo Fighting forces civilians to flee Uploaded by AKamirAK on Nov 8, 2008 Fighting in the Congo is forcing thousands of civilians to flee their homes. U.N is shit they dont stop nothing, there peace makers but yet there is no peace! Goma my town, my familly God where are you ? Is Angola fighting in Congo? Uploaded by umutoni125 on Nov 8, 2008 Congo Genocide How Museveni has used the West to pursue the Tutsi Empire dream
Kagame (L) and Museveni (R) Museveni's life and energies at least since the early 1960s have been devoted to resurrecting Mpororo kingdom and expanding it into a Tutsi Empire initially in the Great Lakes region of Africa, explaining in large part why Ankole kingdom was not restored as it would interfere with Bahororo/Tutsi Empire project. Although they lost territory when Mpororo kingdom disintegrated around 1750, Bahororo (Batutsi people of Mpororo kingdom) wherever they went including back to Rwanda (it is believed Kagame like Museveni is a Muhororo subject to confirmation, perhaps explaining why Rwanda kingdom was not restored) tenaciously clung together (Karugire 1980) by resisting intermarriage with other ethnic groups hoping that someday their Mpororo kingdom would be resurrected. In preparation for Uganda's independence, Bahororo in Ankole demanded a separate district but Bahima rejected the idea. Museveni was old enough to witness the mistreatment of Bahororo by Bahima. At the same time Batutsi of Rwanda including Bahororo suffered a double defeat through the social revolution of 1959 and pre-independence elections leading to independence in 1962. It is believed (subject to confirmation) that Batutsi who sought refuge in Uganda were actually Bahororo whose ancestors had returned to Rwanda when Mpororo kingdom disintegrated. They believed they would be welcomed and accommodated by their kin and kith in Ankole and Kigezi and escape the inconveniences and stigma associated with refugee camps. And Kangaho then a member of LEGCO from Ankole insisted over objections of others that Ankole had enough space to accommodate Tutsi refugees and their cattle. Eventually some one third of the refugees and their cattle got absorbed in Ankole and Kigezi families raising population densities beyond the carrying capacity. The rest were allowed to move and settle wherever there was pasture. This trek took them from "the new districts of Ntungamo, Mbarara, Bushenyi, Rakai, Masaka, Mubende, Luwero and even beyond the Nile River to Apac, Lira, Kitgum, Soroti and Kumi" (Dixon Kamukama 1997). British authorities permitted this mobility (to avoid problems connected with refugee camps) because they were speeding up independence for Uganda to escape political problems that were being experienced in Kenya, Sudan, Congo, Rwanda and Burundi. Museveni and Bahororo fellow students and Rwanda refugees at Ntare School formed an association in the early 1960s presumably for restoration of Tutsi dominance over Bantu (Bairu and Bahutu) in the Great Lakes region, explaining in part why Museveni developed an early interest in East African economic integration and political federation and even unfairly blamed Obote for lack of interest in the subject. Museveni knew that Bahororo didn't have the numbers to realize Tutsi dream through elections. He opted for the military solution. He also knew that he would need external backing, either from Africa or beyond or both. He began to work along these lines from the middle of the 1960s. He and Rwigyema (RIP) were among the first to go for military training. Later he identified members of his group to pursue diplomatic networking and obtain western and African support. New York, London and Lusaka were among the capitals they operated from. The 1980s characterized by Cold War confrontation and structural adjustment as well as the controversial 1980 elections in Uganda and later the 1994 Rwanda genocide gave Museveni a golden opportunity to pursue his Tutsi Empire dream without many noticing. The election of UPC and Obote in 1980 was not well received in western circles and other countries with interest in northern and central African geopolitics. Obote was seen as socialist and not suitable for Great Lakes and Middle East geopolitics. Obote also ran into disagreement with IMF over budget policy as part of structural adjustment conditionality and the World Bank over human rights violations and both withdrew support (Uganda Country Profile 1992-93. The Economist Intelligence Unit, and G. W. Kanyeihamba 2002). Museveni was identified as an alternative for support and eventual replacement of Obote and would in turn help in Great Lakes geopolitical conflicts (Peter Phillips 2007). Museveni's five-year guerrilla war was thus facilitated with substantial financial, media and diplomatic assistance (EIR November 1994). In 1986 Museveni captured power, became president and launched the popular mixed economy ten-point program. In 1987, under pressure from western countries and institutions (New African 1987-88), Museveni unceremoniously dropped the program and launched the unpopular "shock therapy" version of structural adjustment program (SAP), dismissed from the ministry of finance and central bank officials who wanted a gradual and sequenced approach to minimize social costs. As reward for western support during the guerrilla war, Museveni invited all expelled Asians to return to Uganda and repossess their properties over strong objection among Ugandans even NRM cadres who thought they didn't fight to bring back Asians (ironically Museveni refused return of Ugandans in the diaspora (The Courier 1993). Museveni also agreed to stick religiously to IMF and World Bank conditionality in stabilization and structural adjustment program in return for their solid support. These developments served the west and Museveni interests very well. IMF and World Bank controlled the design and implementation of Uganda's economic recovery program (P. Langseth et al., 1995). While IMF and World Bank implemented their program without interruption, Museveni used SAP to impoverish, weaken, marginalize and render Ugandans economically and politically voiceless and powerless. With zeal, Museveni retrenched public servants he didn't like either because they worked for Obote or belonged to ethnic groups he wanted to marginalize. He abolished subsidies on education, healthcare and agriculture. He eliminated some schools and downgraded others in targeted areas. He introduced school fees and health charges which ordinary people could not afford. He abolished cooperatives and diminished extension services. He diversified exports with foodstuffs like beans, corn/maize and fish that traditionally were produced for domestic consumption. He refused to support lunch for vulnerable primary school children who dropped out of school in large numbers. He insisted the private sector was responsible for creating jobs and setting wages and working conditions and trickledown economics for distributing the benefits of economic growth among classes and regions. Museveni was also allowed to build strong security forces especially the military and intelligence under the pretext he needed them to prevent demonstrations and riots against structural adjustment. Democracy was delayed for similar reasons as it would interfere with implementation of the program. He was permitted to delay elections for ten years and multi-party elections even longer, all of them rigged while the west watched to keep Museveni in power. One powerful western commentator and strong supporter of Museveni observed "You need a dictator like Museveni to push these types of policies [stabilization and structural adjustment]"(EIR September 19, 1997). Sadly, the policies failed miserably and were abandoned in 2009 having wreaked social, moral and environmental havoc. Not surprisingly, the West turned the other way when Museveni removed presidential term limits from the 1995 constitution, refused to establish an independent electoral commission and massively abused Ugandan human rights and freedoms with impunity. In 2011 elections, Museveni emptied the treasury to run the campaign without donors protesting even after the minister of finance declared that the treasury was empty. Instead of condemning Museveni for this wrongdoing, he was congratulated for his re-election even when the Commonwealth Observer Mission protested that the electoral process lacked a level playing field and presidential opposition candidates refused to concede defeat, conditions for declaring the election results null and void. Corruption and sectarianism were allowed to fester with Batutsi or those connected with them in charge of the military and police, the economy and public service. Museveni received more military advisers and training of the armed forces apparently to prevent terrorism from finding a home in Uganda and other parts of the region. Museveni engaged in regional wars and intervention in internal affairs from Sudan to DRC. Museveni assisted Kagame and RPF to capture power in tragic genocide conditions which were used to blame Bahutu as bad guys and treat Batutsi as victims that needed international sympathy and support. Museveni sent troops in peace keeping operations largely to win western gratitude but mostly to give his soldiers combat experience unmatched in the Great Lakes region to enable him implement his Tutsi Empire dream unrestrained. Using international guilt over Rwanda genocide and overwhelming sympathy for Tutsi victims and exploiting geopolitical conflicts in the Great Lakes region, Museveni and Kagame have taken full advantage to disproportionately advance the interests of Batutsi in the region as an integral part of building a Tutsi empire. Other members of the East African community acquiesced when Museveni decided he wanted political federation to be fast tracked over economic integration so that federation is achieved while he is still president and he becomes the first federation president by virtue of his seniority. Anticipating federation may not be ready before 2016, Museveni has started campaigning for 2016 presidential elections. It is reported that Kagame recently announced after a meeting between Rwanda and Uganda delegations that national borders in East Africa should be eliminated because they were drawn by colonizers of Africa and independent states are not obliged to keep them. To protect Museveni western powers have focused evaluation on security in the Great Lakes region and participation in peacekeeping operations. Regarding the economy focus has been on economic growth and per capita income, controlling inflation, privatizing and liberalizing the economy and diversifying exports. They have ignored skewed income distribution, rising poverty and unemployment, collapsing education, healthcare and environmental systems as well as rampant corruption, sectarianism, cronyism and mismanagement of public funds and abuse of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Museveni has also been tolerated to reappoint dismissed and censured ministers for corruption, divide up the country into tribal-like and economically unviable entities called districts and appoint some 70 ministers that consume a large chunk of development funds. Confident that he had suffocated Ugandans to the point of no resistance to his dictatorship and assured of solid western support for serving them well, Museveni finally declared his mission on April 4, 1997. "My mission is to see that Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire [DRC] become federal states under one nation"(EIR Special Report 1997). Why he left out Somalia remains unclear. As part of the final phase towards realization of Tutsi Empire, Kagame and Museveni have agreed to eliminate state borders within the East African Community possibly beginning with the border between Rwanda and Uganda which could happen anytime from now if Ugandans, East African community, African Union and the rest of the world does not object and condemn the decision. Until recently, Museveni was garlanded as the dean of the breed of African leaders and his championship in efforts to bring stability in the Great Lakes region from Sudan to Burundi to Rwanda to DRC (In fact Museveni and Kagame have planted seeds of instability in their efforts to make Batutsi a dominant power over other ethnic groups that are far superior numerically - and now educated, well travelled and know their rights and freedoms - over Batutsi in the region). He was christened the darling of the West and invited regularly to attend Summits of G8. Uganda was regarded as an economic success story to be emulated by other developing countries. With collapse of SAP and rising opposition against NRM regime, former supporters are recasting their approach to Uganda. Thankfully, the tide has turned and the West is seeing Uganda through different lenses. It is possible that through improved democracy and governance underpinned by creation of an independent electoral commission, restoration of term limits, standardization of campaign finance and fight against corruption, sectarianism, cronyism and mismanagement of public finance, Uganda could soon be counted among countries on the way to realizing true democracy in which the people elect their representatives and hold them accountable for commissions and omissions. These measures will likely put an end to the pursuit of a reckless dream of a Tutsi Empire in Middle Africa. Written by Eric Kashambuzi, on 10-08-2012 10:42 Museveni's life and energies at least since the early 1960s have been devoted to resurrecting Mpororo kingdom and expanding it into a Tutsi Empire initially in the Great Lakes region of Africa, explaining in large part why Ankole kingdom was not restored as it would interfere with Bahororo/Tutsi Empire project. Although they lost territory when Mpororo kingdom disintegrated around 1750, Bahororo (Batutsi people of Mpororo kingdom) wherever they went including back to Rwanda (it is believed Kagame like Museveni is a Muhororo subject to confirmation, perhaps explaining why Rwanda kingdom was not restored) tenaciously clung together (Karugire 1980) by resisting intermarriage with other ethnic groups hoping that someday their Mpororo kingdom would be resurrected. In preparation for Uganda's independence, Bahororo in Ankole demanded a separate district but Bahima rejected the idea. Museveni was old enough to witness the mistreatment of Bahororo by Bahima. At the same time Batutsi of Rwanda including Bahororo suffered a double defeat through the social revolution of 1959 and pre-independence elections leading to independence in 1962. It is believed (subject to confirmation) that Batutsi who sought refuge in Uganda were actually Bahororo whose ancestors had returned to Rwanda when Mpororo kingdom disintegrated. They believed they would be welcomed and accommodated by their kin and kith in Ankole and Kigezi and escape the inconveniences and stigma associated with refugee camps. And Kangaho then a member of LEGCO from Ankole insisted over objections of others that Ankole had enough space to accommodate Tutsi refugees and their cattle. Eventually some one third of the refugees and their cattle got absorbed in Ankole and Kigezi families raising population densities beyond the carrying capacity. The rest were allowed to move and settle wherever there was pasture. This trek took them from "the new districts of Ntungamo, Mbarara, Bushenyi, Rakai, Masaka, Mubende, Luwero and even beyond the Nile River to Apac, Lira, Kitgum, Soroti and Kumi" (Dixon Kamukama 1997). British authorities permitted this mobility (to avoid problems connected with refugee camps) because they were speeding up independence for Uganda to escape political problems that were being experienced in Kenya, Sudan, Congo, Rwanda and Burundi. Museveni and Bahororo fellow students and Rwanda refugees at Ntare School formed an association in the early 1960s presumably for restoration of Tutsi dominance over Bantu (Bairu and Bahutu) in the Great Lakes region, explaining in part why Museveni developed an early interest in East African economic integration and political federation and even unfairly blamed Obote for lack of interest in the subject. Museveni knew that Bahororo didn't have the numbers to realize Tutsi dream through elections. He opted for the military solution. He also knew that he would need external backing, either from Africa or beyond or both. He began to work along these lines from the middle of the 1960s. He and Rwigyema (RIP) were among the first to go for military training. Later he identified members of his group to pursue diplomatic networking and obtain western and African support. New York, London and Lusaka were among the capitals they operated from. The 1980s characterized by Cold War confrontation and structural adjustment as well as the controversial 1980 elections in Uganda and later the 1994 Rwanda genocide gave Museveni a golden opportunity to pursue his Tutsi Empire dream without many noticing. The election of UPC and Obote in 1980 was not well received in western circles and other countries with interest in northern and central African geopolitics. Obote was seen as socialist and not suitable for Great Lakes and Middle East geopolitics. Obote also ran into disagreement with IMF over budget policy as part of structural adjustment conditionality and the World Bank over human rights violations and both withdrew support (Uganda Country Profile 1992-93. The Economist Intelligence Unit, and G. W. Kanyeihamba 2002). Museveni was identified as an alternative for support and eventual replacement of Obote and would in turn help in Great Lakes geopolitical conflicts (Peter Phillips 2007). Museveni's five-year guerrilla war was thus facilitated with substantial financial, media and diplomatic assistance (EIR November 1994). In 1986 Museveni captured power, became president and launched the popular mixed economy ten-point program. In 1987, under pressure from western countries and institutions (New African 1987-88), Museveni unceremoniously dropped the program and launched the unpopular "shock therapy" version of structural adjustment program (SAP), dismissed from the ministry of finance and central bank officials who wanted a gradual and sequenced approach to minimize social costs. As reward for western support during the guerrilla war, Museveni invited all expelled Asians to return to Uganda and repossess their properties over strong objection among Ugandans even NRM cadres who thought they didn't fight to bring back Asians (ironically Museveni refused return of Ugandans in the diaspora (The Courier 1993). Museveni also agreed to stick religiously to IMF and World Bank conditionality in stabilization and structural adjustment program in return for their solid support. These developments served the west and Museveni interests very well. IMF and World Bank controlled the design and implementation of Uganda's economic recovery program (P. Langseth et al., 1995). While IMF and World Bank implemented their program without interruption, Museveni used SAP to impoverish, weaken, marginalize and render Ugandans economically and politically voiceless and powerless. With zeal, Museveni retrenched public servants he didn't like either because they worked for Obote or belonged to ethnic groups he wanted to marginalize. He abolished subsidies on education, healthcare and agriculture. He eliminated some schools and downgraded others in targeted areas. He introduced school fees and health charges which ordinary people could not afford. He abolished cooperatives and diminished extension services. He diversified exports with foodstuffs like beans, corn/maize and fish that traditionally were produced for domestic consumption. He refused to support lunch for vulnerable primary school children who dropped out of school in large numbers. He insisted the private sector was responsible for creating jobs and setting wages and working conditions and trickledown economics for distributing the benefits of economic growth among classes and regions. Museveni was also allowed to build strong security forces especially the military and intelligence under the pretext he needed them to prevent demonstrations and riots against structural adjustment. Democracy was delayed for similar reasons as it would interfere with implementation of the program. He was permitted to delay elections for ten years and multi-party elections even longer, all of them rigged while the west watched to keep Museveni in power. One powerful western commentator and strong supporter of Museveni observed "You need a dictator like Museveni to push these types of policies [stabilization and structural adjustment]"(EIR September 19, 1997). Sadly, the policies failed miserably and were abandoned in 2009 having wreaked social, moral and environmental havoc. Not surprisingly, the West turned the other way when Museveni removed presidential term limits from the 1995 constitution, refused to establish an independent electoral commission and massively abused Ugandan human rights and freedoms with impunity. In 2011 elections, Museveni emptied the treasury to run the campaign without donors protesting even after the minister of finance declared that the treasury was empty. Instead of condemning Museveni for this wrongdoing, he was congratulated for his re-election even when the Commonwealth Observer Mission protested that the electoral process lacked a level playing field and presidential opposition candidates refused to concede defeat, conditions for declaring the election results null and void. Corruption and sectarianism were allowed to fester with Batutsi or those connected with them in charge of the military and police, the economy and public service. Museveni received more military advisers and training of the armed forces apparently to prevent terrorism from finding a home in Uganda and other parts of the region. Museveni engaged in regional wars and intervention in internal affairs from Sudan to DRC. Museveni assisted Kagame and RPF to capture power in tragic genocide conditions which were used to blame Bahutu as bad guys and treat Batutsi as victims that needed international sympathy and support. Museveni sent troops in peace keeping operations largely to win western gratitude but mostly to give his soldiers combat experience unmatched in the Great Lakes region to enable him implement his Tutsi Empire dream unrestrained. Using international guilt over Rwanda genocide and overwhelming sympathy for Tutsi victims and exploiting geopolitical conflicts in the Great Lakes region, Museveni and Kagame have taken full advantage to disproportionately advance the interests of Batutsi in the region as an integral part of building a Tutsi empire. Other members of the East African community acquiesced when Museveni decided he wanted political federation to be fast tracked over economic integration so that federation is achieved while he is still president and he becomes the first federation president by virtue of his seniority. Anticipating federation may not be ready before 2016, Museveni has started campaigning for 2016 presidential elections. It is reported that Kagame recently announced after a meeting between Rwanda and Uganda delegations that national borders in East Africa should be eliminated because they were drawn by colonizers of Africa and independent states are not obliged to keep them. To protect Museveni western powers have focused evaluation on security in the Great Lakes region and participation in peacekeeping operations. Regarding the economy focus has been on economic growth and per capita income, controlling inflation, privatizing and liberalizing the economy and diversifying exports. They have ignored skewed income distribution, rising poverty and unemployment, collapsing education, healthcare and environmental systems as well as rampant corruption, sectarianism, cronyism and mismanagement of public funds and abuse of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Museveni has also been tolerated to reappoint dismissed and censured ministers for corruption, divide up the country into tribal-like and economically unviable entities called districts and appoint some 70 ministers that consume a large chunk of development funds. Confident that he had suffocated Ugandans to the point of no resistance to his dictatorship and assured of solid western support for serving them well, Museveni finally declared his mission on April 4, 1997. "My mission is to see that Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire [DRC] become federal states under one nation"(EIR Special Report 1997). Why he left out Somalia remains unclear. As part of the final phase towards realization of Tutsi Empire, Kagame and Museveni have agreed to eliminate state borders within the East African Community possibly beginning with the border between Rwanda and Uganda which could happen anytime from now if Ugandans, East African community, African Union and the rest of the world does not object and condemn the decision. Until recently, Museveni was garlanded as the dean of the breed of African leaders and his championship in efforts to bring stability in the Great Lakes region from Sudan to Burundi to Rwanda to DRC (In fact Museveni and Kagame have planted seeds of instability in their efforts to make Batutsi a dominant power over other ethnic groups that are far superior numerically – and now educated, well travelled and know their rights and freedoms – over Batutsi in the region). He was christened the darling of the West and invited regularly to attend Summits of G8. Uganda was regarded as an economic success story to be emulated by other developing countries. With collapse of SAP and rising opposition against NRM regime, former supporters are recasting their approach to Uganda. Thankfully, the tide has turned and the West is seeing Uganda through different lenses. It is possible that through improved democracy and governance underpinned by creation of an independent electoral commission, restoration of term limits, standardization of campaign finance and fight against corruption, sectarianism, cronyism and mismanagement of public finance, Uganda could soon be counted among countries on the way to realizing true democracy in which the people elect their representatives and hold them accountable for commissions and omissions. These measures will likely put an end to the pursuit of a reckless dream of a Tutsi Empire in Middle Africa Uganda suffering is loud and visible; it can't continue Sep 7, 2012 12 8:33 AM  Museveni came to power vowing to end the long suffering of Ugandans. He promised independence from external domination – and blamed Obote for accepting the killer structural adjustment program imposed on Uganda by the World Bank and IMF – democracy, good governance, human rights and fundamental freedoms. He underscored NRM focus on quality education, healthcare, nutrition, property rights and good neighborly relations as the foundation for a new Uganda. He assured the nation that those who lost their properties would get them back and he would support a governance or federal system that would empower Ugandans to design their development policies on the basis of their specific endowments, history and cultural values.The Asian community responded, returned to Uganda and repossessed its properties. But Museveni has reneged on returning Buganda land and endorsing a federal system which received majority support in the Odoki Commission report of 1993. Lest we have forgotten, Baganda offered their territory (Luwero Triangle) to wage the guerrilla war from and joined Museveni guerrilla force in large numbers from the highest to the lowest institution in Buganda to fight the UPC government alleged to have stolen the 1980 elections. Baganda suffered heavy losses in lives (up to 700,000 according to some estimates) and property. And some wounds haven't healed 26 years after the war ended. Museveni has played double standards – meeting the demands of one group and rejecting those of others including Baganda. Baganda should stick together and other Ugandans should stand with them in solidarity until the promises made to them are fulfilled. When Ugandans stood together in solidarity, British colonial authorities had no choice but to return Kabaka Mutesa II (RIP) from exile. This is a fact. It isn't 2012 politics as Museveni surrogates are likely to argue. Museveni has also broken the promise of ending the suffering of Uganda people. This has happened in part because he changed course from the ten-point program to structural adjustment demanded by the donor community primarily to address international financial crisis and open Uganda to forces of globalization with Ugandans benefiting through trickledown mechanism and not state intervention. Museveni has relied on external advisers and experts and is accountable to the donor community, not to the people of Uganda. Economic growth and trickledown mechanism have not worked as expected in terms of increasing economic growth and distribution of growth benefits to all social classes. Ipso facto, corruption, sectarianism and cronyism; poverty, unemployment, hunger, disease, illiteracy, slums, crime and social fabric decay have defined Uganda under Museveni presidency. He finally admitted failure by abandoning structural adjustment program in 2009 which had been his signature project since 1987. Museveni also dropped his promise on good neighborly relations. He promised Habyarimana and Mobutu that he would not transfer his political revolution to their countries. Under geopolitical pressure, Museveni invaded Rwanda through RPF beginning in 1990 and toppled the regime in 1994. He invaded Zaire starting in 1996 through ADFL and overthrew the government in 1997. He attacked Zaire (DRC) again beginning in 1998 but failed to remove the Kabila regime because by that time Angola, Chad, Namibia and Zimbabwe had realized that Museveni wasn't merely interested in removing dictators from power but in establishing a Tutsi Empire in Middle Africa. They opposed him militarily and Museveni and Kagame lost the war with heavy losses in human life. Since then the region sees Museveni and Kagame not as peace builders but as agents of destabilization in their efforts to create a Tutsi empire and as proxy in the geopolitical games to control or divide up the well endowed DRC into spheres of influence with chunks of Eastern DRC going to Kagame and Museveni. The donor community has also realized that Museveni's domestic programs haven't worked. But because they still need him for their foreign policies in the Horn of Africa and Great Lakes region, they don't criticize him on domestic failures but instead praise him for his resounding success in Somalia and the Great Lakes region. I haven't assessed Museveni's performance in Somalia and therefore can't comment on it. But in the Great Lakes region, Museveni involvement has created more problems than it has solved. Museveni intervention in changing regimes in Burundi, DRC and Rwanda has not endeared Uganda to the people in these countries. Bantu people in the Great Lakes region believe that Museveni is merely removing Bantu regimes and replacing them with Nilotic Batutsi dominated governments. This came out clearly when I visited DRC almost three years ago. If there is anything that will bring Congolese people together, it is Museveni and Kagame trying to divide up DRC. Congolese have vowed, should that become necessary, to turn DRC into another Somalia than let a piece of it be taken by Rwanda and/or Uganda. This is a common story which I believe western powers and corporations have heard. Ipso facto, Museveni cannot be credited for laying a foundation for lasting peace and stability in the Great Lakes region. In fact his presence in any deals heightens tensions and potential for instability. Thus, potentially the Great Lakes region is more dangerous than it was before. Any continued effort to impose a minority Tutsi rule on majority Bantu in the region will in the end backfire. The region needs mature, experienced and wise civilian leaders that will negotiate differences on a win-win basis with all stakeholders rather than settle them through the barrel of the gun on a winner-takes-all basis as Museveni and Kagame are doing. The way they used and then betrayed their supporters (Museveni and Baganda; Kagame and Bahutu) is disturbing to say the least. You don't make peace in such environment. Rather you lay a foundation for trouble when the right moment occurs and history is full of examples including the 1959 Social Revolution in Rwanda. That is what Museveni and Kagame are doing. Western powers and corporations need to listen more to people who have lived in and studied the Great Lakes region carefully instead of relying on ideologically biased so-called academic researchers, journalists and diplomats. The period of rule by the gun which has been encouraged by some western powers or advisers is coming to an end. The region has potential civilian leaders with propensity to govern better through consensus than at gun point but haven't caught the attention of western interests whose attention is focused on military people. They should cast the net wider. ERIC KASHAMBUZI A Discernment and Apostasy watch site for African Saints. Prove all things..(1 Thesa.5:21) Test Spirits..(I John 4:1) Like the Bereans, check whether things are so(Acts 17:11) Thursday, 18 October 2012Creating a Tutsi Empire in the great Lakes region as a Conduit of the American New world Order system : New UN reports accuses Uganda and Rwanda of Aiding M23 rebels: Uganda angered by latest UN report on Congo  My Comment There is a lie going around that the Tutsi's are actually the true Jews. They are very intelligent and have been blessed by God to rule and dominate others. They control Uganda, Rwanda and now want a piece of Congo. Once they get a price of Mineral rich Congo, their God given destiny will be fulfilled. Uganda denies aiding Congo rebel fighters : If you look just a little bit more carefully, it is very easy to see the lies that drive the American New World Order System: http://watchmanafrica.blogspot.com/2012/07/uganda-denies-aiding-congo-rebel.htmlFooling us about Uganda's neutrality in the Congo Conflict!!! Militarizing the Congo to help USA and allies to rape Congo resources: DRC troops, civilians fleeing to Uganda after rebel clashes Congolese Civil Society organizations condemn Uganda's meddling in the Congo Conflict: Uganda, Angola leaders hold talks over DR Congo conflictHow Corporate Media Aid And Abet Crimes In Africa: A case of Kagame and MuseveniKagame , The USA Darling and African economic model who violates human rights with impunity :The danger of running from one USA client state and hiding in another USA slave state : Former Kagame bodyguard attacked in Ugandahttp://watchmanafrica.blogspot.com/2012/07/kagame-usa-darling-and-african-economic.htmlTaking us to be fools!!! Four African CLIENT STATES of the US have been tasked by regional governments in the Great Lakes region to form a force of 4,000 troops to fight the M23 rebel group in DR Congo.http://watchmanafrica.blogspot.com/2012/09/taking-us-to-be-fools-four-african.html Felix Kulayigye, Uganda's military spokesperson, rubbished the report.  "Where's the evidence for their claims? Some of those so-called experts came here and did not interview anyone," Kulayigye said. "Where's their authentic facts to back those claims? Those accusations are absolute rubbish, hogwash." (http://www.newtimes.co.rw/news/index.php?i=15149&a=59669) Uganda angered by UN report on Congo Publish Date: Oct 17, 2012 The Government has reacted with disdain to a UN Security Council's Group of Experts report that has accused Uganda and Rwanda of arming M23 rebels fighting the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) government. In a rebuttal, Uganda now points to a ploy by Western countries with vested interests in DRC of peddling a stance that would derail the regional efforts chaired by President Yoweri Museveni to end the conflict. Museveni, as the current chairman of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), has chaired four summits in a row since July aimed at defusing the resurgence of conflict in the DRC. The latest summit at Speke Resort Munyonyo approved the deployment of a Neutral International Force (NIF) to patrol disputed areas. Uganda Gov't response on the 'false allegations'by the UN Group of experts that Uganda supports M23 MovementGovernment Uganda not backing M23 rebelshttp://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Government+Uganda+not+backing+M23+rebels/-/688334/1535850/-/bcp5t9/-/index.htmlBy RISDEL KASASIRA
KAMPALAThe government yesterday denied claims that Uganda is supporting M23 rebels, who have been fighting the DR Congo regime since April. The Foreign Affairs minister, Mr Okello Oryem, told a press conference he called in response to the leaked UN report claiming that Uganda and Rwanda are supporting rebels against the Kinshasa government. Mr Oryem denied that Kampala was backing the M23 rebels, and instead accused the authors of the document of trying to cause rift between Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. "I would like to state that Uganda is not supporting M23. That report by the so-called UN experts is rubbish and will not deter our efforts to pacify the eastern region of DR Congo. We know there are people who are benefiting from Congo, and they do not want to see a stable eastern Congo," he said. Earlier, the UPDF spokesperson, Col Felix Kulayigye, had described the United Nations leaked report that accuses Uganda and Rwanda of supporting the rebel group as "childish and unbecoming". The report by the UN Security Council's Group of Experts might undermine efforts by President Museveni, who was been trying to mediate between Kinshasa government and M23. Col Kulayigye claimed the report was based on rumours and challenged the UN experts to bring evidence of UPDF support to M23. "We knew they came to Uganda looking for rumours and one of them came to my office and said he was paying a courtesy call to me. They have been looking for something to link Uganda to that conflict but they have failed. It would be stupid for Uganda to support M23 when we were seconded as a mediator between the warring parties," he said.  The rebellion in eastern Congo started early this year, when the fighters who had been absorbed into the Congolese army mutinied and started fighting Kinshasa government. President Museveni, who is the chairman of International Conference for Great Lakes region (ICGLR), has chaired three heads of state summits in Kampala since June to help mediate between Kinshasa government and M23 to peacefully end the conflict that has displaced thousands of people in the troubled in North Kivu. There are reports that trucks with UPDF registration numbers have been driving from Rwanda to DR Congo but it's not clear whether these were Ugandan trucks. Second allegation This is second time allegations are coming up that Uganda supports the rebels after a UN owned Radio Okapi and local leaders in eastern DR Congo alleged in July that UPDF soldiers had entered DR Congo to reinforce the rebel group. Col Kulayigye said the government will issue a statement today in response to the allegations made by the UN experts. Chiefs of Defence Forces from ICGR will next week meet in the town of Goma, eastern DR Congo, to discuss the conflict in the region. This meeting will be followed by defence ministers' meeting to be chaired by Dr Crispus Kiyonga. Rwanda and Uganda supplying Congo rebels with weapons, says UNhttp://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/rwanda/9613870/Rwanda-and-Uganda-supplying-Congo-rebels-with-weapons-says-UN.htmlTwo of the biggest recipients of British aid in Africa have broken a United Nations arms embargo by supplying rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo with weapons and ammunition, a Security Council investigation found last night.6:00AM BST 17 Oct 2012 The "M23" movement, led by an indicted war criminal, has started a new round of bloodshed in eastern Congo, forcing about 470,000 people to flee their homes since March. Andrew Mitchell, the former International Development Secretary, delayed a payment of £16 million of British money to Rwanda when these allegations first surfaced in July. On his last day in office before moving to become Chief Whip last month, Mr Mitchell released this sum into Rwandan government coffers, with half the money tied to health and education. At the time, the Congolese government accused Mr Mitchell of sending a "disastrous signal" to Rwanda, while Human Rights Watch also voiced its concern. The fact that the UN's experts have issued a final report confirming their earlier charges against Rwanda will reopen the debate about the wisdom of Mr Mitchell's decision. He remains under political pressure because of the row over his behaviour towards a Downing Street police officer. "The Government of Rwanda continues to violate the arms embargo through direct military support to M23 rebels," reads the 44-page report, a copy of which was obtained by Reuters news agency. This help comes in the form of "recruitment" along with the "provision of arms and ammunition, intelligence, and political advice". The UN also accuses Uganda of helping the guerrillas, saying that officials in its government have "provided support to M23 in the form of direct troop reinforcements" along with "weapons deliveries, technical assistance, joint planning, political advice and facilitation of external relations". When M23 captured several towns in eastern Congo earlier this year, the armies of Uganda and Rwanda "jointly supported" this operation, said the report. So far, Britain has not reduced its aid to Uganda because of these allegations. A Ugandan military spokesman described the claims as "absolute rubbish, hogwash". President Paul Kagame of Rwanda has officially denied the accusations, previously saying that "not one bullet" had passed from his country to Congo's rebels. Mr Kagame is a long-standing British ally who addressed the Conservative party conference in 2007. Britain is Rwanda's biggest bilateral aid donor – and Mr Kagame was close to Mr Mitchell and the previous Labour Government. President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda is also viewed as a friend of Britain. Of the£101.5 million of British aid that his country is set to receive this year,£22.5 million will go straight into Ugandan government coffers, reserved for health, education and administration. No big aid donor has taken any action against Uganda yet. But all the rich countries which help Rwanda opted to reduce their aid after the UN's interim report accused Mr Kagame of helping Congo's rebels in July. Because of Mr Mitchell's decision, Britain is the only donor country to have restored its funding. Pressure grows on UK to halt Rwanda aid after damning UN reportshttp://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/pressure-grows-on-uk-to-halt-rwanda-aid-after-damning-un-reports-8215759.htmlDefence chief commands rebels guilty of huge human rights abuses, says dossier Nairobi Thursday 18 October 2012 Pressure was mounting on Britain yesterday to withdraw its backing for the government in Rwanda after a UN report said the country was running an armed rebellion guilty of massive human rights abuses in neighbouring DR Congo.The M23 rebels, who use child soldiers and have attacked UN peacekeepers in Eastern Congo, are being directly commanded by Rwanda's Defence Minister, according to a confidential report to the UN Security Council. The latest evidence from the UN experts, obtained by the news agency Reuters, comes after the UK reinstated aid to Rwanda, claiming that the government there had taken "constructive" steps to halt the conflict over the border in the DRC. The latest revelations include accusations that another British aid recipient, Uganda, is also backing the Congolese rebels with arms and recruits. Between them Rwanda and Uganda are receiving some £175m in UK aid this year. Rwanda's President, Paul Kagame, has angrily denied accusations of his involvement with M23 and denounced the UN panel as "so-called experts". The Ugandan government echoed those denials yesterday calling the new 44-page report "hogwash" and demanding to see the evidence. Prior to his departure as Britain's International Development minister last month, Andrew Mitchell praised Rwanda's efforts and said an earlier decision to freeze a £16m tranche of aid had been reconsidered. The government in Kigali depends for half its budget on foreign aid, much of it from the US, UK and the Netherlands. "The government of Rwanda has continued to demonstrate its strong commitment to reducing poverty and improving its financial management," Mr Mitchell, who is now Chief Whip, said in early September as he restored aid to the country. Despite the furious response from the governments in Kigali and Kampala the UN panel of experts have compiled two reports – one of more than 130 pages released in June and the latest one, given to the Security Council last month. The dossiers show that Rwanda, with support from Uganda has been commanding an effective buffer state in Eastern Congo, supporting an ethnic Tutsi rebel army, the M23, which controls much of the mineral and agricultural wealth in the area. Donors, such as Britain, have been reluctant to withdraw aid from Rwanda where the government has been widely praised for the efficiency with which its deployed development cash inside its own borders. The economy in Rwanda has been growing strongly and the central African nation has shot to the top of comparative indices for ease of doing business and anti-corruption efforts. However, the legacy of the 1994 genocide has continued to lurk across the border in Rwanda's huge and chaotic neighbour. Rwandan minister is leader of Congo rebels, UN sayshttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/oct/17/rwanda-minister-leader-congo-rebels-kabarebe
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Kihoza,PD kihozap@nm-aist.ac.tz pdkihoza@mzumbe.ac.tz " Learn from yesterday, live for today, hope for tomorrow. The important thing is not to stop questioning." <Albert Einstein,The great Scientist> --- On Wed, 11/28/12, nsanze charles <znsanze@yahoo.com> wrote:
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