People, The Courts will have lots of investigation to determine all these public information that are available. Public are free to discuss and debate to influence need assessments for way forward. Meanwhile call for urgent change of guards in Political leadership in Kenya for Reform change cannot be over-emphasized....It is paramount, fundamentally necessary and is absolutely "A Must Do Now".......We have a lot at stake and Kenya is bigger than an individual or 10/20 put together...... We demand for background checks, transparency and accountability from all people who have served in public offices and all future employments must sign declaration of personal profile facts sheets for clearance before employment is effected. It must be made a rule that Checks and balances be made a requirement basic concern before one is allowed to hold any public office now and in the future. What IEBC is comming up with is unrealitic and cannot be acceptable. Operators of IEBC cannot be trusted in the circumstances and we feel there is need to investigate leadership of IEBC before they go any further to damage public confidence. So far, they have lost public trust.........and they cannot be relied upon to deliver without conflict of interest......... Cheers !!!! Judy Miriga Diaspora Spokesperson Executive Director Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc., USA http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com Prof. Clerk Brandon Aug 16 2012, 07:10 Cynetz integrated services in collaboration with African science and Technology has released a history-making information package. The new information product gives a step by step guide on how to access free education for more than 100 first degree and 250 master's programs in over 45 world renowned universities in Europe under the world leading European Credit Transfer System (ECTS). Call +2348174362146 to get a copy. The product is distributed on CDs. It is designed for citizens of Nigeria and other countries of AU as a conduit for external knowledge capture for African development. Women Aspirants Protest IEBC Requirements Published on Aug 16, 2012 by kenyacitizentv Women aspiring to contest various elective positions in the March 4th 2013 election have faulted the IEBC for what they termed as prohibitive election regulations, key among them the proposal to levy a 500,000 shilling nomination fee for those seeking the County Women Representative seat. The commission has however clarified that County Women Representative aspirants will only required to pay 250,000 shillings, which is half the amount required for all other elective posts for men and that this was just a proposal that was subject to approval by Parliament. Sylvia Chebet has that report. Kenyan Women Cry Foul Over Electoral RulesDraft regulations by the electoral commission wants women seeking to contest certain elective posts to pay a non-refundable nomination fee of Sh500,000 each, an amount that has angered those wanting to run for the various positions. Kenya: Sh0.5 Million Poll Fee On Women Ill-Advised (editorial) The Star, 16 August 2012 A proposal by the IEBC that all candidates joining the race for women representatives pay a hefty Sh500,000 nomination fee each is, to say the least, ill-advised. read more » Kenya: New IEBC Rules May Bar WomenBy Mosoku Geoffrey, 15 August 2012 Women aspiring to contest various elective positions in the March 4th 2013 election have faulted the IEBC for what they termed as prohibitive ... ( Resource: Kenya: Women Aspirants Protest Poll Requirements Women candidates seeking election will be dealt a double blow if draft election regulations proposed by the Independent Elections and Boundaries Commission are accepted. Under the proposed IEBC Draft Elections Regulations 2012 those women seeking election to Parliament as Women Representatives or even the senate, now will have to pay a non-refundable nomination fee of Sh500,000 each to the IEBC. This means that those women running for the 47 electoral seats created by the constitution as part of affirmative action will have to pay this amount even though these seats are only restricted for women. "Every application for nomination for candidature at a parliamentary election (senate and women representative) shall be accompanied by a non-refundable nomination fee, in bankers draft of five hundred thousand Kenyan shillings," section 24 (2) of the proposed regulations reads. Those seeking to be governors will pay a similar amount while parliamentary candidates will pay Sh250,000. Those running for the presidency will have to pay a nomination fee of Sh1 million each while county representative aspirants will pay Sh50,000 each, a jump from the previous Sh1,000. Relevant LinksThe IEBC has already forwarded the draft proposal to the Attorney General who is expected to table them in Parliament by next week. The proposals raise concerns that the fee imposed on women representative candidates was likely to deny many women the opportunity to vie for the seats which have been granted by the constitution. It means that competition for these seats will be limited to only the wealthy and well to do and lock out scores of prospective women candidates who might not have the financial resources. The constitution created 47 special seats to be vied for by women only as part of affirmative action to promote women participation in public affairs.But if this proposal is approved, these seats might turn out to be an exclusive club of only rich women. "The constitution granted women these seats and it will be unfair for the IEBC to deny them the same through the back door. How many eligible women MPs can afford this amount notwithstanding other campaign costs?" the chairman of the Centre for Multiparty Democracy Justin Muturi said. The IEBC vice chair Lilian Mahiri-Zaja acknowledged that there was likely to be a huge public furore over the proposed fees but said Parliament will have the final decision. "It is true that we have already received complaints from women but all those concerns will be addressed when the proposal is tabled in the House for debate," Mahiri-Zaja added. Parliament has less that three weeks to approve the regulations, which should be in place six months before elections. This means, Parliament only has up to September 4 to debate and approve the rules. Section 109 (3) of the Elections Act 2011, stipulates that the regulations shall be exercised only after a draft of the proposed regulations has been approved by the National Assembly at least six months preceding a general election. Interestingly, IEBC did not include this critical requirement towards the realisation of election date, when the commission released a new timeline towards the March 4, 2013 general elections last week. Yesterday, the National Democratic Institute held a breakfast meeting with five MPs-Amina Abdalla, Olago Aluoch, Eseli Simiyu, David Koech and Njoroge Baya- where they discussed on the proposals. Apart from paying Sh500,000, any woman who runs for office as a women representative or senator on an independent ticket will also be required to have her nomination signed by at least 2,000 supporters who are not registered members of any political party Those seeking to be MPs as independent candidates will also be required to have 1000 voters who are not members of any party nominating them while county representatives seeking the seats as independent candidate will provide a list of a thousand supporters who are not registered in any party. Anyone running for the county representative will have to pay Sh50,000 to the IEBC and for those running as independents, get their nomination sponsored by at least 500 registered voters. Presidential candidates will be expected to provide the IEBC with a list of 2,000, registered voters from majority of the counties- at least 48,000- in support of their nomination. The list must have the voter's name, bear the voter's signature as well voter registration number. Under the rules, parties seeking to enter in the elections as a coalition will not have a common symbol but will use their respective party symbols. IEBC will also gazette symbols of the independent candidates. IEBC has also given itself powers cancel a presidential election during the general election should it receive only only one candidate nominated validly. "If at close of nomination for a presidential election, only one candidate is validly nominated, the Commission shall publish a notice in the Gazette showing the name of the candidate so nominated and stating that the presidential election shall not be held, and the commission shall declare that candidate elected as president in Form 12," Section 18 of the draft reads. Those seeking the presidency as independent candidates will be required to establish and maintain a personal and functional office in Kenya. This office shall be available for inspection by IEBC 45 days before an election and at least 3 months after the elections. Political parties will also be responsible for removing campaign materials such as posters 14 days after an election is held. The National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) will also regulate the noise levels during the campaigns. Government declines to renew deal of Irish firm hired to clean image Officials of the Irish PR firm, Glenevin Operational Risk and Security Consultancy, hired by government to clean its image and that of the police after the walk-to-work demos. PHOTO BY ISAAC KASAMANI By Andrew Bagala (email the author) In Summary Sources say the firm did not deliver to expectations and that their was no value for money in their work. Kampala Government has declined to renew the contract of the Irish public relations company hired to clean the country's image that was allegedly dented by police during the walk-to-work campaigns. The Irish Glenevin Operational Risk and Security Consultancy, was hired in January, 2012, at $1 million (about Shs2.5b) to train the police and the Uganda Media Centre in PR management for six months. A government source, who preferred anonymity because he is not allowed to talk to the press, said Glenevin contract ended on August 10 and they are not renewing it because their training did not add much. No contract renewal "They (Irish) wanted their contract to be renewed but everyone is saying that they aren't offering anything worth the money. So their request for their contract to be renewed has been rejected," the source said. Efforts to contact the PR firm on its stand on the contract were futile as officials have reportedly flown out of the country. But the major question is whether there was value for money on hiring a foreign PR company to clean the image of the police and government. A top police officer, who worked with the Glenevin PR firm during walk-to-work demonstrations, said they seemed not to understand the chain of command in the police structure. "They preferred working with individuals regardless of the rank in the force. So they would go to an officer at the lower rank and tell him or her to instruct his or her superiors to do something. This is indiscipline in the force," the source said, adding that the work methods brought them in confrontation with the top police management. Some senior police officers declined to pass on information to them while others rejected their proposals on transforming the operations of their units, sources said. Knowledge imparted Among the experts' major priorities was the media. They established the Police Press Unit but it is still limping with shortage of funds, equipment and personnel. However, Mr Emilian Kayima, the deputy police spokesman, said the firm taught them in timely dissemination of information and public relations. "It is up to us who were trained to deliver. But they did their best to impart knowledge," Mr Kayima said yesterday. The government Media Centre's Executive Director, Mr Fred Opolot, had earlier said in a press release "this team will realign our provision of services to government and the media. It is greatly important that the management of Uganda's international reputation becomes more streamlined and purposeful." Huge ivory cache impounded at Entebbe ENTEBBE, UGANDA - Customs officials at the Entebbe International Airport recently impounded raw ivory weighing 426kgs destined for Malaysia. The ivory estimated to cost $500,000 on the world market was impounded at the Airport Cargo Section as it was being cleared purportedly as personal effects enroute to Malaysia. According to Mr. Julius Rubagumya, the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) Manager Entebbe Region Customs Department, the consignment of 35 pieces was concealed inside five metallic suitcases and were in the names of Brian Micheal. "The goods came in on Sunday night in the names of Brian Micheal and were declared as personal effects. Thanks to the One Stop Centre where a number of government agencies work together to examine all exports, we were able to detect that what was declared wasn't the actual packaging," Rubagumya said. Trading in ivory is prohibited and is hence an offense under the East African Community Customs Management Act. Mr. Samuel Amanya, a Senior Community Conservation Officer at the Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA) said that they could not readily identify the origin of the of ivory but that the ongoing investigations would give them an idea of where they could have come from. "We are baffled by the exact origin of the tusks but given their sizes, we might not have that size of animals here. Also the appearance of the ivory, it does not match the findings we have on the ground because we have not recorded any poaching of recent," Amanya said. Statistics released by UWA last year showed that the number of elephants killed in parks since the year (2011) began more than tripled. According to UWA, 33 elephants have been killed at Murchison Falls National Park in the last seven years, of which 25 of these were killed in 2011 alone. The elephants are killed by the poachers who take the meat and tusks which are then sold to other dealers for export. A kilogramme of ivory on international market goes for between $800 and $1,000 and a pair of tusks from a mature elephant can weigh about 40 kliogrammes. Mr. Rubagumya said that they have questioned the handler of the consignment to help with the investigations and that they would make headway in that direction. "At customs, it doesn't necessitate that the exporter has to present at the Cargo point, he can deal with a clearing agent or handler and we are questioning the handler but since investigations are ongoing, I'll not comment further," he said. Mr. Amanya said that the impounded ivory will taken to the UWA store as a government resource and that in the future government can decide what to do with it.If convicted, a person found to be in possession of ivory illegally can be fined or imprisoned or both according to the Wildlife Act and the penalty cannot be below the value of the ivory.Ivory has availed itself to many ornamental and practical uses. Prior to the introduction of plastics, it was used for billiard balls, piano keys, Scottish bagpipes, buttons and a wide range of ornamental items. Synthetic substitutes for ivory have since been developed. Plastics have however been viewed by piano purists as an inferior ivory substitute on piano keys, although other recently developed materials more closely resemble the feel of real ivory. Kenya PM Odinga Says Kisumu Molasses to Trade in Nairobi, Nation ReportsBy Ana Monteiro - Dec 29, 2010 12:24 AM CT Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga said the Kisumu Molasses Plant, owned by his family, will start trading shares on the Nairobi Stock Exchange by the end of 2012, Daily Nation reported, citing him. To contact the editor responsible for this story: Ana Monteiro at amonteiro4@bloomberg.net Kenya: Drive Begins to Revive Kisumu Molasses PlantBy John Ochieng And John Oywa, 3 November 2003 Nairobi — The Kisumu molasses plant is to be revived at a cost of Sh800 million. The Vice-President, Mr Moody Awori, said revival of the plant was part of the Government's plan to create the 500,000 jobs per year that it pledged to Kenyans. DR ROBERT OUKO, DOMENICO AIRAGHI, MARIANNE BRINER-MATTERN AND THE KISUMU MOLASSES PROJECT – THE TRUTH HAS BEEN KNOWN FOR YEARS
The Commission has been off to Kisumu for four days hearing testimony about post-election violence, the Kisumu hospital massacre, and murders of Tom Mboya and Dr Robert Ouko. In respect of the latter the TJRC are to look at, in particular, the link if any between the 'Kisumu Molasses Project' and Ouko's death. Let us hope that for once they don't fall for the same old lies that have been told so often before and which were proven to be untrue up to 20 years ago. It was the Scotland yard detective Superintendent John Troon, invited in by President Moi's regime to investigate the murder of Dr Ouko, that came up with the theory (among others) that there had been a dispute between Robert Ouko and Nicholas Biwott over the Molasses plant at Kisumu (in Dr Ouko's constituency) and that Biwott and others had sought to get bribes to allow the project to go forward. Allied to Troon's theory was the idea that Dr Ouko, at the time of his murder was writing a 'corruption report' to go to President Moi exposing the scandal and that it was possible that in an attempt to stop this from coming to light that Dr Ouko was murdered. Troon's theories were almost entirely based on allegations made by a Mr Domenic Airaghi and a Ms Marianne Briner-Mattern, directors of BAK International, a company based in Switzerland that had tendered to Dr Ouko when he was Minister for Industry to re-start the 'Molasses Project'. This is the story that the Commissioners will have heard and read, as have many Kenyans. The problem is that the 'Molasses theory' is a complete nonsense, has been known to be nonsense based on the evidence for at least two decades and certainly since evidence was made available at the time of Sunguh's Parliamentary Committee investigation in 2003 (which, however, Gor Sunguh ignored). So just to help the Commissioners out (and hopefully our readers too), here's a very quick summary of the known facts that destroy the 'Molasses theory'. We also commend to the Commissioners and our readers the site www.kenyaunsolved.com which probably has the best account, linked to evidence, of what really happened over the 'Molasses Project'. The two Italian firms involved with the Molasses Project, Asea Brown Boveri (ABB) Tecnomassio SpA and Tecnomasio Italiano/Brown Boveri, were not rivals but rather part of the same multinational group. They were both introduced by Domenico Airgahi to Minister Dalmas Otieno. So there was no 'rival tender' and no bribe would have been asked of, or paid by a company to win a tender against itself. Domenico Airaghi's own documents proved that he introduced Asea Brown Boveri. In a letter dated 30th August 1988, , Airaghi and Briner-Mattern wrote to an Italian company, stating: 'To answer all your questions regarding BAK's position in Kenya, we can inform you that ASEA-BROWN BOVERI/TECNOMASIO has signed with us an irrevocable cooperation agreement on an exclusive basis for Kenya for government and private projects…' Dorothy Randiak, Dr Ouko's sister who came to support the 'Molasses theory' had to admit that it could not have been true. At the Public Inquiry in 1991, after being shown a letter from Asea Brown Boveri Group addressed to Dalmas Otieno, the Minister of Industry, that showed Domenico Airaghi had introduced Technomasio to the Kenyan Government, Dorothy Randiak was asked, "How can they be rival groups?" She replied: "My Lords my piece of information is based on the conversation and discussions between me and my brother and not on the documents tabled. But on the strength of the documents that you have read, that I have followed, it would appear that there was no rivalry." After the cancellation of the Molasses project Domenico Airaghi was evicted from Kenya. Briner-Mattern was eventually to claim that it was Nicholas Biwott who had Airaghi thrown out and Troon again largely accepted her story. But Airaghi, in a long letter to Otieno complaining of his expulsion, did not mention Biwott. Troon also did not read, or at least if he did, he did not take in their meaning, the two letters Briner-Mattern said she sent to Dr Ouko just before he was murdered. In the first letter supposedly sent by Briner-Mattern on the 29th January, she stated, '… we believe that the reason for your non-involvement in our defence could be found when checking on the employment of the 50 workers, since we found out that they had been used also to "campaign" for you during the election and that part of the money was also used to pay the youth wingers. You remember that your cousin Ouko Reru had the signature in the Commercial Bank of Kenya account and that at the end of the originally agreed period had asked us for an additional amount that we gave." She continued in the next paragraph, "Since it is possible that H.E. the President will approach you after it seems he finally received the letter sent to him by me originally in March 1988, I herewith enclose a copy for your knowledge and enabling you to prepare your defence…" The first letter in particular is clear that the threat of exposure regarding corruption was being made by Briner Matter against Dr Ouko, not Saitoti, Biwott or anyone else. As for the 'Corruption report' that Troon believed Dr Ouko might have been writing, no one else saw it and he only had Briner-Mattern's word that it existed (Ouko's brother Barrack Mbajah also claimed there was a corruption report but he did so one-and-a-half years later, not in any of his lengthy testimony given just after the murder) . If Dr Ouko was writing a report on the subject he was doing so nearly two years after the project had been abandoned. Briner-Mattern eventually told Sunguh's Parliamentary Investigation that documents she had had in support of her testimony had been stolen and taken out to sea by Tanzanian fishermen. Detective Superintendent John Troon did not look at (or even ask for) the government's file on the 'Molasses project'. He did not personally question Domenico Airgahi. And critically, he did not check in Airaghi and Briner-Mattern's background or that of their company 'BAK'. Troon accepted Airaghi and Briner-Mattern's testimony because he said they were "honest" and ran a "reliable" company. He could not have been more wrong. For all of the time that Dominic Airaghi was pitching for the Molasses project he was in fact out on a bail having been convicted and sentenced by a court in Milan on 14th March 1987 after been found to have committed offences of corruption and presenting false evidence (Airaghi appealed but the conviction was upheld on the 4th April, 1991). Marianne Briner-Matter, or Marianne Briner as she termed herself at the time, gave evidence in Airaghi's defence, describing herself as a "secretary" of "International Escort" an "employment agency". The court found her evidence in support of Airaghi to be false. The judge said of Marianne Briner, "who lived with Airgahi", that it would better to draw a "compassionate veil" over her testimony and commented on her "unreliability" as a witness. And BAK wasn't a "reliable" company as Troon assumed and as the Kenyan government told. Various BAK entities were found to have used four different names and two addresses in just three years. The addresses given for each entity were low rent offices in Baden, Switzerland. The only one of the BAK entities that was formally incorporated was 'BAK Group Marianne Briner + Partner', registered as a joint partnership on 13 February 1990, the day that Robert Ouko was murdered. After Dr Ouko's murder, Domenico Airgahi and Marianne Briner-Mattern's claim for losses in relation to the 'Molasses Project' increased from $150,000 to $5.975 million. The facts about the 'Molasses project' have been out there for years. The TJRC should of course hear new testimony and receive new evidence but they should not be taken in by the lies and utter nonsense that so often have been spoken before on the subject. EXTEND COMMISSION'S TERM BUT CONCENTRATE ON THE FACTS OUKO KILLED IN STATE HOUSE? GOR SUNGUH SHOULD BE QUESTIONED DR ROBERT OUKO, DOMENICO AIRAGHI, MARIANNE BRINER-MATTERN AND THE KISUMU MOLASSES PROJECT – THE TRUTH HAS BEEN KNOWN FOR YEARS OUKO MURDER: THE KIPLAGAT INTERVIEW – CITIZEN TV (June 9th, 2011) TJRC DISOWNS KIPLAGAT BUT HAVE THEY DISOWNED THE TRUTH ABOUT THE WAGALLA MASSACRE AND THE MURDER OF DR ROBERT OUKO? SOME TRUTH, NO JUSTICE, NO RECONCILIATION – TJRC NEEDS TO BE REORGANISED AND REDIRECTED TJRC ADVERTISING – MONEY'S OBVIOUSLY NO OBJECT KIPLAGAT STANDS ON HIS DIGNITY US AMBASSADOR RANNEBERGER – HAND OVER THE OUKO FILES KIPLAGAT'S 'INVOLVEMENT' IN THE MURDER OF DR ROBERT OUKORift Valley Railways, East Africa Line Operator, to Sign $164 Million LoanBy Eric Ombok - Apr 1, 2011 9:44 AM CT Rift Valley Railways Ltd., the operator of the Kenya-Uganda rail line, expects to sign a $164 million loan with seven lenders within four months, according to its biggest shareholder, Citadel Capital SAE. The funds will be provided by six development-finance institutions and Equity Bank Ltd. (EQBNK), Kenya's biggest lender by market value, Karim Sadek, Citadel's managing director in east, central and southern Africa, said in an interview today in Nairobi, the capital. Citadel is an Egyptian private equity company with $4 billion of assets. "We are looking at a business plan that has roughly $287 million of capital expenditure," Sadek said. "$164 million is a long-term loan. The balance comes from shareholders and internally generated profits." TransCentury Ltd., a Kenyan investment company that is one of the three shareholders in RVR, said on March 28 the rail operator plans to raise a total of $240 million. That figure was based on an earlier estimate, Citadel said in an e-mailed statement today. RVR is mandated to manage about 2,000 kilometers (1,243 miles) of rail line in Kenya and Uganda, Chief Executive Officer Brown Ondego said on Nov. 8. In the year through June 2010, the company moved less than 1.2 million metric tons of cargo, against a target of 1.7 million tons set in a 25-year concession agreement that began in November 2007. The investment will be spread over five years from when the loan is signed. RVR will spend the money on tracks, automation, rehabilitation of wagons and locomotives and purchase of new ones, he said. Logistics Offering Last year, the company signed a technical and management agreement with America Latina Logistica SA, the Curitiba, Brazil-based railroad company that is Latin America's biggest. "We are looking at offering our clients more of a door-to-door package," Sadek said. "We are trying to move from this concept of being a rail operator to a logistics player." Citadel Capital owns 51 percent of RVR, while TransCentury holds 34 percent and Bomi Holdings of Uganda has 15 percent. As of March 2010, Citadel Capital had investments worth more than $8.3 billion across 14 countries in Africa and a workforce of more than 30,000 people, the company said on itswebsite. "We are looking at a few opportunities, which obviously I can't name, in and around East Africa," Sadek said. To contact the reporter on this story: Eric Ombok in Nairobi at eombok@bloomberg.net. To contact the editor responsible for this story: Shaji Mathew at shajimathew@bloomberg.net NAIROBI, KENYA- The African Development Bank ((AfDB)) has announced plans to $40 billion bond towards infrastructure projects across the continent. AfDB President Dr Donald Kaberuka told a meeting of bankers in Nairobi that the continental bank will be looking into how best to tap the huge foreign exchange reserves held by African governments oversees as guarantee for the loan. Statistics from the bank indicate that African governments have foreign exchange reserves of over $450 billion. However, these reserves have not been invested for any substantial returns necessitating the bank to look into ways of investing them.  Donald Kaberuka cuts cake at the event to mark 50 years of the Kenyan Bankers Association He was speaking during an event to mark the 50 years of the Kenyan Bankers Association, the industry umbrella body that brings together over 43 banks currently operating in Kenya. "Banks should be agents of sustainable development and growth," Kaberuka said Africa has embarked on a new era which has set it at the epicenter of discussions surrounding global economic growth. ""We have tremendous potential as a Continent and we must work together, through private-public sector collaboration, to seize the moment for the long-term benefit of our nations and our people," said President Kaberuka at the event also attended by Kenya's Finance Minister Robinson Njeru Githae and embattled Central Bank of Kenya Governor Prof. Njuguna Ndung'u. "Across Africa, we see more Governments re-establishing, and in the case of the newer countries, establishing the macroeconomic frameworks we will need to fast-track economic development. AfDB estimates that Africa will be need to spend $90 billion every year to bridge the infrastructure deficit. In Kenya, AfDB has funded a number of key infrastructure projects among them the now famous Thika Superhiway among other roads. Speaking at the same event, KBA Chief Executive Officer, Habil Olaka,explained that the Association had aligned its policies to address the fast-changing banking environment both locally and on the international front. He said KBA will engage stakeholders through four strategic pillars,namely research-based policy formulation, industry promotion and development, public education, and social responsibility. KBA Chairman, Richard Etemesi, said that Kenya's banks were committed to supporting the country to achieve sustainable growth targets. "We are committed to the implementation of sound policies towards financial deepening and overall economic development of this country as captured in our national Vision 2030 development blueprint. The banking industry is and will remain a major contributor towards this end," said Mr. Etemesi. KBA has achieved a number of milestones, including ownership and operation of the Automated Clearing House.In partnership with the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK), the Association has also established the Kenya Credit Information Sharing Initiative (KCISI). This unit enables banks to share credit information through Credit Reference Bureaus licensed by the central bank. RVR pays off Uganda and Kenya Shs6 billion debt LUCRATIVE: Revamping the Uganda-Kenya railway network will strengthen the two countries' competitiveness in the global market. PHOTO BY STEPHEN WANDERA. Posted Tuesday, February 9 2010 at 00:00 In Summary The icing on the cake came last Tuesday as Rift Valley Railways, wired about $3 million in outstanding fees owed to the government of the two nations for giving it exclusive rights to operate the ailing transport facility. After years of false starts and a series of dead negotiations, the Uganda-Kenya railway is finally beginning to creak following plans by the East African Community to raise capital to upgrade and expand the existing railway network to boost the region's competitiveness in the world. But the icing on the cake came last Tuesday as Rift Valley Railways (RVR), the company operating the Uganda-Kenya railway, wired about $3 million (about Shs6b) in outstanding fees owed to the government of the two nations for giving it exclusive rights to operate the ailing transport facility. "Uganda received about $1 million (appx Shs1.9b) while Kenya was given $2 million (Shs4 billion)," a well placed source in the Uganda government told Business Power last week, but declined to be named as a condition to provide the information. Privatisation Unit spokesperson confirmed the transaction had taken place. "It is true that some fees have been paid to the government of Uganda," Mr Jim Mugunga said in a phone interview. However, he preferred not to reveal any outstanding fees because of on-going negotiations between the governments and RVR. "The money that has been paid, has been in fulfilment of the obligations under the concession agreement," he said. A concession is a business operated under a contract or license associated with a degree of exclusivity in business within a certain geographical area. Kenya and Uganda handed the RVR a 25-year concession in 2005 to revamp the railway transport system in the two countries but there have been no signs of improvements in the service. Mr Mugunga said the recent payment was a result of ongoing restructuring efforts by the two governments "to move hand-in-hand with the concession." The Kenya and Uganda governments through a Joint Railway Commission (JRC) were set to meet RVR officials in Nairobi to discuss the future of the railway concession yesterday. The meeting will follow the January 27 meeting, where shareholders of RVR failed to provide information to merit the transfer of some of RVR shares to Egyptian investment company Citadel Capital. According to well-placed sources that asked not to be named because of their interest in the deal, RVR has only been able to pay up after receiving financial help from Sheltam Rail of South Africa – the majority shareholder (35 per cent) in RVR. The source said Citadel Capital, an Egyptian private equity firm, bought 49 percent into Sheltam's mother company hence enabling the later to refinance its debt obligations to RVR. Last month, Daily Monitor reported that Uganda would be a beneficiary of a Citadel planned Shs764 billion fund investments in Africa. The $8.3 billion firm last November listed on Egypt's stock exchange to raise funds for its planned expansion into Algeria, Sudan, East Africa and the Middle East. According to Dr Ahmed Heikal, Citadel Capital's chairman and founder said the firm's plan for East Africa follows its successful investment activities in Sudan where it has invested in sectors such as oil and gas, transportation, logistics, financial services, cement, mining, and agriculture. Investment fund experts however believe that with the all the capital in its control, Citadel is unlikely to sit back as an observer rather it might move for a major stake in RVR from its current shareholders who have proved, since winning the concession in 2005, to have no financial muscle for the business. Payment of outstanding fees owed to Uganda and Kenya by RVR now allows the railway body to negotiate possible transfer of shareholding to other interested parties. Shareholders in RVR include; Sheltam Rail of South Africa with a majority stake in the venture (35 per cent), Trans Century (20 per cent) Prime Fuels of Kenya (15 per cent), Centum Investments Kenya (10 per cent), Mirambo holdings of Tanzania (10 per cent) and Australia's Babcock and Brown (10 per cent). Daily Monitor reported last week that shareholders of Rift Valley Railway Investments said they had not yet finalised internal negotiations among themselves and were, therefore, not in a position to provide the required documents to meet all conditions for the transfer of shareholding to Citadel. However, it is apparent that the Egyptian company has paid the $150 million asking price into Sheltam. Sheltam is the majority shareholder of RVR and acquiring such a stake enables Citadel to appoint its representatives to the RVR board, to give it an upper hand to push for its interests. Even as Citadel positions for a possible takeover, delegates from the East African Community states are meeting next month to discuss the creation of a fund for the implementation of the East African Railway master plan. Mr Alloys Mutabingwa, the deputy secretary general Planning and Infrastructures, said master plan needs about Shs57 trillion ($29 billion) – cash twice as much as the total value of all goods and services in Uganda in 2008. The master plan, which was carried out and completed by Canadian consulting firm, CPCS Transcom International last year, will be the main focus of discussion by East African delegates who will gather in Nairobi, Kenya between March 11 and 12. At an earlier press conference, he said the money needed can be raised by a single investor but it has to be discussed. "While the investment is high, the returns to investment are equally high and it's for the long term," he told journalists at the Uganda Media Centre. The money is needed to upgrade the line to a standard gauge facility with the ability to move up to 120 kilometres per hour compared the current 25 kilometres per hour, activate the inactive railway lines, and extend the existing lines to reach the borders of the five East African nations. Once improved, the monthly tonnage of goods carried will climb to between 4,000 - 5,000 compared to the current 900 tonnes per month. The benefits are expected to boost regional and international business by increasing efficiency, while lowering the cost of transportation of cargo and passengers. In a related development, Aston Kajara, the State Minister for Investments announced that Uganda will host The 3rd East Africa Community Investment Conference in Kampala as the region positions itself to attract more investors. The conference will be held between April 26 and 29 and is expected to gather at least 1000 delegates from the region's public and private sectors. Mr Kajara said participants at the meeting will address the challenges that hinder investment in the region, point out the region's investment opportunities, and find ways of improving the business environment of the EAC. Mr Mutabingwa added that it will be a platform for executives in both the private sector and public, within and outside the region to discuss, and exhibit new products and services in the region and those lined up. The investment conference will also inaugurate the East Africa Community Investor of the Year Awards. "The awards will recognize and encourage cross-border investors and strengthen the bonds of integration," said Mr Kajara. The partner states are this week scheduled to discuss the formation of an East Africa Community Development Fund that will partly finance cross-border transport and energy infrastructure. Mr Mutabingwa said the fund will have an overall objective of shielding partner states against losses arising from the integration process like reduction in revenue collection. "There's a process to have it up and running, we are still working on the modus operandi of what we can use the resources for," he said. The fund will be discussed in Entebbe, Uganda. Ugandan millionaire bids for a stake as boardroom control war intensifies By MICHAEL WAKABI (email the author) In a week marked by high drama in the high stakes hostile takeover of the troubled railway concessionaire, Rift Valley Railways, a wealthy Ugandan businessman appears to be winning by stealth. Charles Mbire, a 51-year old businessman, who is widely known as a pioneer mobile phone operator and now controls 15 per cent of MTN Uganda and the local subsidiary of British money printing firm De La Rue, is bidding to buy 15 per cent of the shareholding reserved for Ugandans in the joint railway concession shared by Kenya and his country. While Mr Mbire is known to both friend and foe as a respectable, affable man who can regale his business associates with funny stories for hours, he is also known as a smooth operator who has the ear of Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni. Perhaps, it is this close association with the political establishment here and his savvy that has over the years made him the go-to-guy by reputable foreign investors entering the Ugandan market with little familiarity with the contours of business and political power in the country. This has earned him the good-natured moniker, "Mr 15 per cent" with his associates, reflecting the shareholding he owns in some of the leading global brands operating in Uganda in his expansive business empire that some estimate is valued at $65 million. Mr Mbire's entry as a shareholder in RVR is a significant gamble, and symbolic move that sheds the light into what the Kenyan and Ugandan governments could be thinking privately about the future of the concession. It also underscores how fast the tables have turned in the past two months between the power establishment in the two countries, and particularly for the powerful Kenyan investment group Transcentury since Egypt's Citadel Capital waged war to control RVR. This was after buying 49 per cent of the 35 per cent stake that lead investor Roy Puffet of Sheltam — the winning consortium — owned in RVR in December, for a reported $10 million. Mr Puffet was negotiating to sell his stake to Transcentury, which owns 20 per cent of RVR for a similar amount, reputable sources close to the deal told The EastAfrican. Mr Mbire's prospects for buying 15 per cent of RVR has not made Transcentury happy, especially because of the fact that it will dilute everyone's interest in the company at a time when Kenyans are trying to fend off the Egyptian investors. Mr Mbire, and RVR's managing director Brown Ondego — both of whom were brought on board by Transcentury in an attempt to clean up the mess at the company — stand out as a major strategic miscalculations in the current fight with the Egyptians. Somewhere along the way, Transcentury did not manage the relationships well — or misread the motives of Mr Mbire and Mr Ondego — and their presence in the RVR board has worked against Transcentury and Citadel has exploited this fissure to drive a wedge with other shareholders such as Kenya's businessman Chris Kirubi-controlled Centum Investment (10 per cent), Babcock & Brown of South Africa (10 per cent), Prime Fuels (15 per cent), and Tanzanian businessman Rostam Azziz's Mirambo Holdings (10 per cent). All the other shareholders are believed to have either sold or in the process of selling their stakes to Citadel, which would explain why it is pushing to diminish the influence of Transcentury in RVR through aggressive capital calls and bringing in Mr Mbire into the game. Transcentury has been fighting hard to keep Mr Mbire out. It is known to hold the view that a proper valuation of RVR should be done, and Mr Mbire and other Ugandans invited publicly to bid for the 15 per cent stake at market value. Citadel is however known to be pushing for a "gentleman" deal that gets Mr Mbire to the table as a shareholder through the backdoor using a sweetheart deal. While the current jostling is being looked at by many through the prism of Uganda's nascent oil industry, Mr Mbire believes it is short sighted for anyone to peg their investment in the railway on such suppositions. "While there is no doubt that Uganda has got oil, rail is just one of many options for getting it out of the country and at this stage nobody knows for sure what mode of transport will be adopted. "What is not in doubt though is that the East African economy is positioned to grow tremendously in the future and the logistics industry will play a pivotal role in this transformation," he told The EastAfrican. Mr Mbire appears to be walking in the footsteps of American Billionaire Warren Buffet who said, "While the railroads won't take over the world it is something that is part of the future," after he spent more than $26 billion of his fortune last November on the acquisition of Texas-based Burlington Northern Santa Fe railway network. Uganda finally got the opportunity to participate more substantively in the Rift Valley Railways concession after incumbent shareholders approved an application for a 15 per cent stake by the Ugandan businessman and entrepreneur. "This is a venture I have appetite for and I would be willing to invest if the shareholders agree. I have applied for a stake in RVR but my eventual participation depends on whether the shareholders will approve that application." With the current state of the Kenya-Uganda railway and its shareholder troubles, it takes courage or business savvy for anyone to want the significant risk of putting money in this limping giant. When the final capital call is made, Mr Mbire's 15 per cent stake could easily translate into millions of dollars. He acknowledges the level of risk involved and says after the business is revived, he will be prepared to spread the risk by selling off some of his stock to other Ugandans. "In its current state and given the capital requirements, this is not the kind of business that many Ugandans are going to be able to participate in at this moment in time. "But this is our railway and that is why it was initially called the Uganda Railway. It is important that we find a way of participating in this," he said. Regardless of whatever scepticism may surround the future of RVR, for those who know the Ugandan homeboy, the deal has precedents. East Africa: Inside the Hostile Takeover of RVRBy Jaindi Kisero, 15 February 2010 Nairobi — Transcentury, the influential Kenyan investment group, has proposed to the governments of Kenya and Uganda to exclude Sheltam Railway Company from further participating in restructuring the troubled railway concession. Fronted by its South African owner Roy Puffet, Sheltam Railway Company is the majority shareholder of Rift Valley Railways (RVR). It is also the lead investor that won the concession of the railway system in Kenya and Uganda. RVR pays off Uganda and Kenya Shs6 billion debtLUCRATIVE: Revamping the Uganda-Kenya railway network will strengthen the two countries' competitiveness in the global market. PHOTO BY STEPHEN WANDERA. In Summary The icing on the cake came last Tuesday as Rift Valley Railways, wired about $3 million in outstanding fees owed to the government of the two nations for giving it exclusive rights to operate the ailing transport facility. After years of false starts and a series of dead negotiations, the Uganda-Kenya railway is finally beginning to creak following plans by the East African Community to raise capital to upgrade and expand the existing railway network to boost the region's competitiveness in the world. But the icing on the cake came last Tuesday as Rift Valley Railways (RVR), the company operating the Uganda-Kenya railway, wired about $3 million (about Shs6b) in outstanding fees owed to the government of the two nations for giving it exclusive rights to operate the ailing transport facility. "Uganda received about $1 million (appx Shs1.9b) while Kenya was given $2 million (Shs4 billion)," a well placed source in the Uganda government told Business Power last week, but declined to be named as a condition to provide the information. Privatisation Unit spokesperson confirmed the transaction had taken place. "It is true that some fees have been paid to the government of Uganda," Mr Jim Mugunga said in a phone interview. However, he preferred not to reveal any outstanding fees because of on-going negotiations between the governments and RVR. "The money that has been paid, has been in fulfilment of the obligations under the concession agreement," he said. A concession is a business operated under a contract or license associated with a degree of exclusivity in business within a certain geographical area. Kenya and Uganda handed the RVR a 25-year concession in 2005 to revamp the railway transport system in the two countries but there have been no signs of improvements in the service. Mr Mugunga said the recent payment was a result of ongoing restructuring efforts by the two governments "to move hand-in-hand with the concession." The Kenya and Uganda governments through a Joint Railway Commission (JRC) were set to meet RVR officials in Nairobi to discuss the future of the railway concession yesterday. The meeting will follow the January 27 meeting, where shareholders of RVR failed to provide information to merit the transfer of some of RVR shares to Egyptian investment company Citadel Capital. According to well-placed sources that asked not to be named because of their interest in the deal, RVR has only been able to pay up after receiving financial help from Sheltam Rail of South Africa – the majority shareholder (35 per cent) in RVR. The source said Citadel Capital, an Egyptian private equity firm, bought 49 percent into Sheltam's mother company hence enabling the later to refinance its debt obligations to RVR. Last month, Daily Monitor reported that Uganda would be a beneficiary of a Citadel planned Shs764 billion fund investments in Africa. The $8.3 billion firm last November listed on Egypt's stock exchange to raise funds for its planned expansion into Algeria, Sudan, East Africa and the Middle East. According to Dr Ahmed Heikal, Citadel Capital's chairman and founder said the firm's plan for East Africa follows its successful investment activities in Sudan where it has invested in sectors such as oil and gas, transportation, logistics, financial services, cement, mining, and agriculture. Investment fund experts however believe that with the all the capital in its control, Citadel is unlikely to sit back as an observer rather it might move for a major stake in RVR from its current shareholders who have proved, since winning the concession in 2005, to have no financial muscle for the business. Payment of outstanding fees owed to Uganda and Kenya by RVR now allows the railway body to negotiate possible transfer of shareholding to other interested parties. Shareholders in RVR include; Sheltam Rail of South Africa with a majority stake in the venture (35 per cent), Trans Century (20 per cent) Prime Fuels of Kenya (15 per cent), Centum Investments Kenya (10 per cent), Mirambo holdings of Tanzania (10 per cent) and Australia's Babcock and Brown (10 per cent). Daily Monitor reported last week that shareholders of Rift Valley Railway Investments said they had not yet finalised internal negotiations among themselves and were, therefore, not in a position to provide the required documents to meet all conditions for the transfer of shareholding to Citadel. However, it is apparent that the Egyptian company has paid the $150 million asking price into Sheltam. Sheltam is the majority shareholder of RVR and acquiring such a stake enables Citadel to appoint its representatives to the RVR board, to give it an upper hand to push for its interests. Even as Citadel positions for a possible takeover, delegates from the East African Community states are meeting next month to discuss the creation of a fund for the implementation of the East African Railway master plan. Mr Alloys Mutabingwa, the deputy secretary general Planning and Infrastructures, said master plan needs about Shs57 trillion ($29 billion) – cash twice as much as the total value of all goods and services in Uganda in 2008. The master plan, which was carried out and completed by Canadian consulting firm, CPCS Transcom International last year, will be the main focus of discussion by East African delegates who will gather in Nairobi, Kenya between March 11 and 12. At an earlier press conference, he said the money needed can be raised by a single investor but it has to be discussed. "While the investment is high, the returns to investment are equally high and it's for the long term," he told journalists at the Uganda Media Centre. The money is needed to upgrade the line to a standard gauge facility with the ability to move up to 120 kilometres per hour compared the current 25 kilometres per hour, activate the inactive railway lines, and extend the existing lines to reach the borders of the five East African nations. Once improved, the monthly tonnage of goods carried will climb to between 4,000 - 5,000 compared to the current 900 tonnes per month. The benefits are expected to boost regional and international business by increasing efficiency, while lowering the cost of transportation of cargo and passengers. In a related development, Aston Kajara, the State Minister for Investments announced that Uganda will host The 3rd East Africa Community Investment Conference in Kampala as the region positions itself to attract more investors. The conference will be held between April 26 and 29 and is expected to gather at least 1000 delegates from the region's public and private sectors. Mr Kajara said participants at the meeting will address the challenges that hinder investment in the region, point out the region's investment opportunities, and find ways of improving the business environment of the EAC. Mr Mutabingwa added that it will be a platform for executives in both the private sector and public, within and outside the region to discuss, and exhibit new products and services in the region and those lined up. The investment conference will also inaugurate the East Africa Community Investor of the Year Awards. "The awards will recognize and encourage cross-border investors and strengthen the bonds of integration," said Mr Kajara. The partner states are this week scheduled to discuss the formation of an East Africa Community Development Fund that will partly finance cross-border transport and energy infrastructure. Mr Mutabingwa said the fund will have an overall objective of shielding partner states against losses arising from the integration process like reduction in revenue collection. "There's a process to have it up and running, we are still working on the modus operandi of what we can use the resources for," he said. The fund will be discussed in Entebbe, Uganda. Investment Partners RVR managed to raise US$ 287 million to finance a five year Capital expenditure plan that will see the business generate after tax profits for the first time in more than three decades. Out of the total capital financing package of USD287 million, USD 164 million comes in the form of a series of loans from six development finance partners: USD40 million from the African Development Bank (AfDB); USD32 million from Germany's KfW Bankengruppe; USD22 million from the International Finance Corporation (IFC); USD20 million from FMO (the Dutch development bank); USD20 million from the ICF Debt Pool and USD10 million from the Belgian Investment Company for Developing Countries (BIO). From the private sector, a USD20 million loan was extended by Kenya's Equity Bank. Of the Above Amounts US$ 49 Million was released in December 2011, heralding the start of the Programme to get the Railways back on track.  Rift Valley Railways (Kenya & Uganda) Ltd
Rift Valley Railways (Kenya & Uganda) Ltd
Nairobi: Railway Headquarters, Moi Avenue. P.O. Box 62502 - 00200, Tel: +254 20 2044476 - 80 Fax: +254 20 202214037. Nairobi (K)
E-mail:info@rvr.co.ke
Kampala: Kampala Railway Station, Station Road. P.O. Box 7891, Tel: +256 312 314 700, 312 265 203. Kampala (U).
About Us  As the region's oldest socio-economic binding asset, Rift Valley Railways currently operates a total of 2541.44 kilometers of track network linking the shores of the Indian Ocean to the agriculturally rich hinterland of the Kenya Highlands and into Kampala, Uganda on the shores of Lake Victoria in a 25-year concession agreement originally signed in 2006. RVR's Purpose is to transform lives in Africa with every move. Our Vision is to be the leading transport and logistics solutions provider in Africa by year 2020 We ensure that our customers' needs for transport and logistical solutions will be met in a sustainably efficient and safe manner and with the utmost with respect to our employees, the environment and communities that live around our operations, and that we will do so profitably to guarantee a healthy return on investment for our Shareholders.
Commuter  RVR operates Long distance services to Kenya's main cities as well as running commuter Services in the Greater Nairobi area. These essential services provide transport to approximately 500,000 passengers/ commuters per month. In the FY 2010/11 the total number of passengers stood at 7,056,766. Based on the railway concession agreement from 1st of November 2006, RVRK operates Commuter services along the following routes: Freight Services  RVR is predominantly a freight transporting company with this segment constituting 95% of all volumes and revenue. The percentage ratio of the remaining is as shared by the commuter business (4%) and the passenger business (1 %.) Our main customers in the freight business are categorized as Logistics Service Providers (42%), Cargo Owners (39% of total volumes moved) and Shipping Companies (19%) of total volumes moved. The company has put in mechanism to further improve its freight business. For instance, RVR posted a 21% increase in freight business (250,000tonnes) in H1 of 2011/2012 over the same period in 2010/2011 (206,240 Tonnes). RVR Freight Services is your flexible partner for overland transport by rail. We run freight trains or goods trains on a regular schedule to various destinations in Kenya and Uganda. The movement involves groups of freight cars or goods wagons hauled by locomotives on our railway lines, ultimately transporting cargo between two points as part of the logistics chain. The trains haul bulk material, intermodal containers, general freight or specialized freight in purpose-designed cars. These include flat wagons for containerized cargo, covered wagons for conventional cargo, Tallow Tank Bogies for Vegetable Oil, White/Black Tanks for white and black oils respectively.
Kenya: Egyptians Outwit Transcentury in Bid to Control Railways FirmBy Jaindi Kisero, 6 January 2010 Nairobi — A bid by leading investment company owned politically influential businessmen to take control of Rift Valley Railways has hit a major snag. Transcentury Ltd has been trying to take over RVR which is running the 900 kilometer Kenya Uganda Railways under 25-year concession. This is after it emerged that Sheltam of South Africa, the largest shareholder in RVR with a 35 per cent stake, has sold part of its own shares to a wealthy Egyptian equity fund, giving the Egyptians indirect interests in the company and allowing the Cairo-based publicly listed group to appoint directors to the board of the company. Kenya: PM Raila Odinga Dismisses Former Adviser As 'Madman'By Joseph Olweny, 18 August 2012 PRIME minister Raila Odinga has described his former advisor Miguna Miguna as "a madman in a market place" who should be ignored. Raila was speaking yesterday at Bondo CDF offices when he toured Bondo-Misori road, which is under construction. The PM said he chosen not to respond to Miguna's claims lest the public thinks they are true. Raila accused Miguna of being part of a clique of anti-reformists who have ganged up against him to ensure that he does ascend to the presidency and implement the new constitution. He asked members of the public to ignore such people and focus on leaders, who will deliver the country from bad governance. The PM said the general election will be a two-horse race between the reform-oriented ODM and another one which has yet to emerge. "This election is important because it will be the first under new constitution to usher a new and meaningful leadership," said Raila. He was accompanied by Finance assistant minister Oburu Oginga, Rarieda MP Nicholas Gumbo and Alego-Usonga politician Odunga Mamaba among others. MASSIVE CORRUPTION ROCKS RAILA'S MOLASSES PLANT. BY SHEM KOSSE. 12/04/2006 Endless queues of grand scams that continues to rock and as become synonymous with Kibaki's regime as not spared either the controversy ridden kisumu molasses plant. The graft still rages at the plant despite of massive exposure by a cross section of the press of racism and questionable tender awards that has dogged the spectre International, a firm associated with the Odingas. Extensive investigation reveals that nepotism, bribery, political loyalty and patronage are the hallmark of job recruitment-both casual and permanent jobs. Besides top-cream positions that were previously available at the onset of the plant's revival and awarded to non-locals, the recruitment of employees at the recently completed yeast plant-within the factory- saw the non natives smiling further all the way back home. Locals have been impeccably shortchanged again and this has sparked off and laid bare the height of deeply routed endemic corruption in the revived Kisumu Molasses plant, which is towering along Kisumu Busia road. Over 30 employees in the yeast plant according to inner sources were absorbed without a properly laid down criteria, with the majority being the non-natives with disastrous academic background or no qualification at all to suit the palm positions they are holding, currently. The move has not gone down well with the natives of Kogony and Karando, whose lands was acquired in 1976 for the project when the incumbent president was the minister for finance and under whose docket the project then fell, at its inception. Natives who sought for anonymity poured scathing attack to the entire management team which they described as a bunch of arrogant and graft-minded lot with no welfare of the locals at their heart at all with Human Resource Director Israel Agina receiving a big share of criticisms. Agina was heavily criticized by locals for his notoriety and tendency of asking and receiving bribes inform of money, cows and the huge chunks of land at the shores of the Lake Victoria , bordering plant's land, for one to get a lucrative job. Aggrieved locals who were breathing fire against the management and more so Agina whom they said should not even be entrusted with the management of a village cattle dip, gave a tearful and sympathetic example of a local with an impressive academic credentials who graduated 13 years ago with anthropology from Moi University who has been working as a casual labourer and yet their home is just a stone throw, was recently fired by the management. Peter Ochieng Akello was shown the door after the weekly citizen Newspaper highlighted his plight alongside racism which has rocked the awarding of tender in the yeast plant. It was reported that yeast plant Director Mr. Vantander in liaison with a corrupt notorious Asian tycoon Sanjay Patel have monopolized every supplies at the plant. All the yeast among other things like Alum, Sodas ash, chlorine is preserve of the bespectacled and stout Sanjay, courtesy of vantander. Peter a village graduate who is too near molasses though very far for him to access an employment was relieved of his menial job of slashing grass at the plant on suspicion that he is leaking negative information to the press, to the amazement and chagrin of the locals At the centre of the locals frustrations, is the area chief Mr. Joseph Osegii and his assistant Mr. John Ndege. The management has reportedly hired the services of the duo administrators and the self styled elders under the flagship of Mr. Nicholas Okamo as the "representatives" of the locals. A move they roundly condemned saying it was solely aimed at suppressing and oppressing the dissent voices since the chiefs does threaten them of dire consequences if they dare point blaming fingers to the management Locals further questioned the role of the area chiefs who are civil servants-in a plant that is not only costliest but also ethnically and politically sensitive-since they are ever glued at the plant at the expense of their official duties, serving their egocentric interests and for the management. It can be recalled vividly and nostalgically during the height of molasses controversy, when the then asst. minister for urban Development Hon Maina Kamana Kamanda kicked out the storm on molasses plant Hon Raila Odinga went ahead to question the government's authority over the plant when he posed. "If we were in Britain he would be a candidate of queen's award. We have managed to revive what had defeated the government. People had come with flames to cut the metals and sell off cheaply. We saved the plant. We don't deserve to be called thieves. We deserve to be candidates of presidential award." This is the areas residents are saying is not in dispute because it is a fact. But what the keen political observers, area elders and locals are wondering to date is that why is Langata Mp Raila Amolo Odinga ever ready and does call a colourful press conference to ward off the critics across the political divide who dare question how the over 240 acres of land occupied by the controversial plant was acquired by Odingas. And, he will never do the same to address the plight of the locals who are aggrieved close to 5 years since the revival of the plant arguing that he is not a board member of Spectre International. A move viewed by critical pundits as hypocrisy of the highest order and challenged him to come out clean. So are the area residents who too questioned the rationale behind all this, adding that Kenyans will soon wake up to shocking news about molasses plant. "We have been patient enough! We disposed off our lands at meager fee thinking that our kinsmen are going to benefit in the future but this was just but a pipe dream!" said bitter locals. Continuing: "they either dance to our tune or brace for the reprisals that will see them vacating our land". The only "benefits" the natives can brag about is the tap water from the plant which too they say is over treated; raw and stench effluent which affects their green vegetation has it snakes to the lake. And thick nauseating smoke belching from the plant and has it disappears to the thin air; it regrettably reminds them of a dream gone awry. Inaugurated in 1977 and abandoned in 1982 before the government gave up on it officially and put it under receivership in mid 90's, its no gainsaying that the controversy-dogged plant is courting a bomb- shell since tension is fermenting at an alarming rate. And the area residents who are also shareholders through the mysterious and defunct Kisumu Development Trust (KDT) have vowed to drive their message home concerning their significant rightful quest. Until four years ago-formerly known as Kenya Chemical and Food Cooperation (KCFC)-molasses was touted as one of the outstanding white elephant projects spanning two decades. But this now notwithstanding: Surprisingly, there is a larger need for the plant's foreign investors to withdraw temporarily their financial support for the locals' wide-range touchy grievances to be ironed out, amicably. By the time of going to the press, there was a wide spread talks that the bitter locals have been holding a series of secretive meetings strategizing on how to paralyze operations in the plant. It is worth noting that sometimes last year a contingent of anti riot police in full combat gear were compelled to pitch camp for two weeks, throwing a tight security cordon around molasses plant when leaflets were circulated to the effect that the residents had planned to storm the plant without notice and immobilize operations. Robert Ouko (politician)From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia The Honorable Minister Dr. John Robert Ouko (31 March 1931–c. 13 February 1990), commonly known as Robert Ouko, was a Kenyan politician who served as Foreign Minister of Kenya from 1979 to 1983 and from 1988 to 1990. Robert Ouko served in the government of Kenya from the colonial period through the presidencies of Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi. He was a member of the National Assembly for Kisumu and a cabinet minister, rising to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation by 1990. He was murdered in Kenya on February 13, 1990. The murder case, perhaps the most intriguing in Kenyan history, remains unsolved. A report presented in parliament in 2010 states that the murder was carried out in one of then President Daniel arap Moi's official residences. It also called for further investigations into top officials, including one of Moi's closest allies, Nicholas Biwott, who denies responsibility. [1] In late December 2010 the report was rejected by Parliament on the grounds of a lack of unity, and disagreements within the committee.[2] [edit] Early life and educationOuko was born in Nyahera village, near Kisumu, Nyanza Province. [3]He went to Ogada Primary School, Nyang'ori School and Kisii School. After schooling he studied at the Siriba Teachers Training College. He worked as a primary school teacher. In 1955 he landed a job as the revenue officer of Kisii District. In 1958 He joined the Haile Selassie University in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, graduating in 1962 with a degree in Public Administration, Economics and Political Science. He then went to Makerere University in Uganda for a diploma in International Relations and Diplomacy [4] At the time of his death, he had nearly finished his doctoral thesis, for which he was studying at the University of Nairobi. Despite being known as Dr. Ouko, he held only an honorary degree received in 1971 from the Pacific Lutheran University in Seattle. [4] [edit] Political lifeShortly before Kenyan independence in 1963 he worked as an Assistant Secretary in the office of the Governor. He was soon posted as the permanent secretary in the ministry of works. After the East African Community collapsed in 1977, Ouko became a nominated member in the Kenyan parliament and appointed as the Minister for Economic Planning and Community Affairs. [4] He was elected to the parliament at the 1979 general elections from Kisumu Rural Constituency and retained his seat at the 1983 elections. For the 1988 elections he moved to Kisumu Town Constituency (later split to Kisumu Town West and Kisumu Town East constituencies), and was again elected to the parliament. [5] Ouko represented KANU, the only legally operating party at the time. [edit] Murder investigationsOn 27 January 1990, Ouko, now Minister of Foreign Affairs, left Nairobi as part of a delegation of 83 ministers and officials, among them President Daniel arap Moi, to attend a 'Prayer Breakfast' meeting in Washington DC. The delegation arrived back in Nairobi on 4 February. On Monday 5 February Ouko met with President Moi, the Japanese Ambassador, the Canadian High Commissioner, Bethuel Kiplagat (Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs), and Hezekiah Oyugi (Permanent Secretary, Internal Security). Later that day Ouko travelled to his country residence, a farm in Koru (some 300 km from Nairobi) near Kisumu, accompanied by his driver and a bodyguard. On the night of February 12/13, 1990, Ouko disappeared from his Koru Farm complex near Muhoroni. His housemaid Selina Were Ndalo testified that she "was awakened at about 3am by a noise similar to a door being slammed shut but sufficiently loud enough to startle her awake" [6] and that she saw a white car turning at the bottom of the minister's driveway before driving away.[7] Francis Cheruyot, a telephonist at Rongo Office, near to the Koru Farm, alleged to Detective Superintendent John Troon of Scotland Yard (see below) that on Tuesday 13 February 1990, at about 6am, he was on duty on the post office telephone switchboard when he saw Hezekiah Oyugi "who was a passenger in a white car containing three other persons" drive past the post office on two occasions [8] but Cheruyot would not make a written statement to this effect. Oyugi was subsequently unable to produce the daily log of his official car.[9] Ouko's body was found later that morning (February 13) at approximately 1pm by a local herdsboy Joseph Shikuku[10] (also named as 'Shikulu' and Shikuru' in both Troon's and other reports), at the foot of nearby Got Alila Hill, 2.8 km from Ouko's country home, but although he told local villagers of the find (a fact supported by 'statements in support' given to Scotland Yard detectives by six other villagers) they did not report the fact to the police. Ouko's body was eventually officially discovered on the 16th February, following a police search. Forensic evidence suggested Ouko had been murdered, near to where his body was found, killed by a single shot to the head, his right leg broken in two places and his body left partially burned. There was evidence that a gun had been discharged at the scene (although the bullet was never found). A "single caucasian hair" was also was found "loosely associated with a partially burnt handkerchief found at the scene". [11] Most of items including a gun, a torch, a diesel can and matches [3] were found nearby. All of the items were subsequently identified as belonging to Dr Ouko and, with the exception of the jerrycan, matches and torch, had usually been kept in his bedroom. News of the murder set off riots in Nairobi. Initial police reports suggested that Ouko had committed suicide but it soon became common knowledge that Ouko had been shot as well as burnt. [3] Public pressure led President Daniel arap Moi to ask British detectives from New Scotland Yard to investigate Ouko's death. The following investigation by the Kenyan police was supported by the arrival on 21 February of Detective Superintendent John Troon of Scotland Yard's International Organised Crime Branch, accompanied by two other detectives and a Home Office forensic pathologist. [edit] Troon's theoryTroon's initial investigations uncovered allegations of a serious and long-running row in the Ouko family that was testified to in witness statements by Dr Ouko's wife Christabel, in the first two statements given by his sister Dorothy Randiak, and in the statements given by his brothers Barrack and Collins, his sister-in-law Esther Mbajah, the family doctor Dr Joseph Olouch, and family friend Mr Erik James Oyango. Dorothy Randiak, in her first witness statement,[12] cited the cause of the row: "In 1985 the following happened. Barrack was working as Deputy PC in Nakuru in the Rift Valley Province. From there he was transferred to Deputy Secretary at the Attorney generals office. He did not want this move and he blamed it on Robert [Dr Ouko] because he had ambition to become Provincial Commissioner. Barrack discussed the move to try and prevent it but Robert done nothing about it because of reasons of which they both knew. This caused a lot of bitterness on Barracks part against Robert but Robert had no bad feeling towards Barrack. The situation still exists. Barrack also influenced Collins which in turn caused him to show bitterness against Robert also. The bitterness of both these brothers was maintained throughout and remained until the time Robert disappeared". In her second statement[13] made to Troon on 27 March, Dorothy Randiak recounted that a family group photograph had been found in her mother's house in December 1989 in which the picture of her mother had been cut out and that Dr Ouko had blamed his brother Collins for it. She stated also that Collins had told his mother "never to come to the house again and that if she did he would cut her to pieces". Troon concluded in his 'Final Report' that, "To summarise the immediate family of Dr Ouko, I am not satisfied that they have told me everything they know. There appears to be a shroud of fear surrounding the whole family which prevents them fully disclosing what I believe some of them must know".[14] Troon also received testimony from Mrs Ouko and Dr Ouko's mistress Herine Violas Ogembo (see below) that shortly before Dr Ouko was murdered threatening phone calls had been made to Mrs Ouko from a woman claiming to be Dr Ouko's "second wife", and also to Miss Ogembo saying that Mrs Ouko knew of the relationship and wanted to kill her and her daughter[15] Dr Ouko's relationship with Violas Ogembo, whom he had met in 1982 and who had a daughter by him in 1983, "was apparently open and many of his close friends and colleagues knew of their association" and "at times he would take Miss Ogembo on official visits abroad or arrange her travel to meet him at selected venues".[16]Mrs Ouko stated that she had only found out about the relationship 'during the latter part of 1989'. The woman making the phone calls was never identified. Dr Ouko, according to the testimony of his sister Dorothy Randiak, thought that his brother Barrack "had fed the information in".[17] Witnesses also spoke of a dispute with local politicians and allegations of fraud in Kisumu Town Council. However, Troon's investigation took a dramatic turn in mid March, as recorded in his 'Interim Report' submitted in July. In paragraphs 101 and 102 Troon stated that, 'On Saturday 17 March my colleague Detective Sergeant Lindsay received a telephone call to meet a person in the Imperial Hotel, Kisumu. Linday attended the venue and there met a person who identified himself as Professor Thomas A. Ogada, the Kenyan Ambassador to Switzerland', and that, 'Prof. Ogada informed Lindsay that he had been directed by His Excellency the President to hand over to the Scotland Yard Officers a sealed envelope which he had brought with him from Switzerland. In addition to the envelope, Prof. Ogada supplied details of two contacts in relation to the contents, one being Mrs Briner Mattern, the other being her advocate in Kenya Mr Frank Addly of Kaplan and Stratton Advocates, Nairobi'.[18] No mention of President Moi's involvement was made in Troon's 'Final Report' submitted in August, 1990. From this point on in Troon's investigation a theory gained currency that there may have been an argument between Ouko and Nicholas Biwott, then Kenya's Minister of Energy, during the trip to Washington following a supposed meeting by Ouko with President George H.W. Bush (Troon did accept however that the "factual basis" for the alleged row on the Washington trip was "somewhat tenuous"[19] and based on "hearsay"[20]); that Ouko had been involved in a dispute with Biwott over the cancellation of a project to build a molasses plant at Kisumu (in Ouko's constituency); and that Ouko was preparing a report on high level political corruption in the Government of Kenya in relation to the Kisumu Molasses Project (which by implication named Biwott). The basis for Troon's theory was thus allegations passed to Scotland Yard at the direction of President Daniel arap Moi and made by a Domenico Airaghi and a Marianne Briner-Mattern (who made a witness statement to Troon on 22 March 1990), directors of BAK International, a company based in Switzerland that had tendered to Ouko when he was Minister for Industry to re-start the Molasses Project in Kisumu. The change in direction of Troon's investigation after receiving the file from the Kenyan ambassador to Switzerland on the 17th March and Briner-Mattern's witness statement on 22 March is significant. All witness testimony prior to these dates had been based on the row in Dr Ouko's family and allegations of corruption in the Kisumu Town Council. Dr Ouko's sister, Dorothy Randiak, for example, made three statements to Troon, on March 2, 27 and April 11. Only in her third statement,[21] made some seven weeks after the investigation had begun did Dorothy Randiak testify regarding allegations surrounding the Kisumu Molasses Plant. Mrs Christabel Ouko, Dr Ouko's wife, made four statements to Troon on March 2 and 13 and April 5 and 8. It was only at the end of her fourth statement, again made some seven weeks after Troon began his investigation, that Mrs Ouko mentioned a possible dispute over the Kisumu Molasses Project. Although Troon's final report to the Kenyan authorities, delivered in August 1990, was not conclusive it did recommend further investigation into Ouko's murder and in particular 'enquiries and further interviews' in respect of Hezekiah Oyugi, a Permanent Secretary in Kenya's Internal Security Department; James Omino, an MP for Kisumu Town and a political opponent of Ouko at the 1988 election; and Nicholas Biwott, the Minister for Energy. However, Troon's investigation has since been criticised as being 'fatally flawed' and has been further undermined by subsequent investigations and disclosures, not least amongst these that Airaghi had been convicted of attempted fraud and deception in Italy in 1987.[22]In particular, Troon has been criticised for his reliance on the testimony of Domenico Airaghi and Marianne Briner-Mattern, his failure to investigate their background, his failure to read important evidence contained in the 'Molasses File'[23] (the Kenyan government's file recording all correspondence and minuted decisions relating to the project), and his failure to interview any US Government officials regarding the Washington trip. In the absence of any direct evidence as to who was responsible for the murder of Dr Ouko, Troon based his entire theory on the basis of establishing a motive for the killing. [edit] The 'Washington Trip'In relation to the Washington trip there appears to be no evidence of a dispute, or for the supposed cause of a dispute - that Dr Ouko had met President Bush Snr. and not with President Moi and that this had caused a row between Ouko, Moi and Biwott. President Moi did meet with President Bush Snr. as photographic evidence attests.[24] No member of the Kenyan delegation at the time or since recalled any dispute. Nor was there was a meeting between Dr Ouko and President Bush Snr during the trip to Washington, the reason cited for the alleged dispute. President Bush's official diary makes no mention of it; the US State Department have stated that it did not take place; no member of the delegation was aware or any such meeting, and 'further' investigation conducted into Dr Ouko's murder by the Kenyan police in 1991/92 found that, 'There is no evidence to confirm that Dr Ouko while in Washington met President Bush'.[25] The allegation made some 12 years later during a Parliamentary Select Committee Inquiry established in March 2003 to again look into the murder of Dr Ouko, that Dr Ouko had been banished by President Moi whilst on the visit to Washington, stripped of his ministerial rank, sent home on a different flight, his bodyguards dismissed, his passport removed on arrival in Nairobi, would also seem to be without foundation. Passenger manifests and witness testimony prove that Dr Ouko travelled back from Washington with the rest of the Kenyan delegation to Nairobi. The delegation's return was a public event reported by the Kenyan media and newspaper reports, which are still available, carried photographs of President Moi and Dr Ouko coming out of the plane together and doing the welcoming rounds at Jomo Kenyatta airport. After his return from Washington Dr Ouko was assigned an official trip to Gambia to deputise for Moi; he would have been unable to travel without a passport and Mrs Ouko's later gave evidence that she handed her husband's passport to Detective Superintendent Troon. [26] Official records and witness testimony also prove that Dr Ouko continued to discharge his official functions, meeting with President Moi, government officials and diplomats and to give instructions to his official staff and travelling to his country residence accompanied by his driver and a bodyguard. To date, there is no credible evidence to support Troon's conclusion that the 'Washington Trip' was a motive for the murder of Dr. Robert Ouko. [edit] The Kisumu 'Molasses Project'Troon's second theory based on the allegations of Airaghi and Briner-Mattern, that intermediaries on behalf of Nicholas Biwott, Prof. George Saitoti and others had asked for bribes to facilitate the progress of the Molasses Project and that when these bribes were not paid Nicholas Biwott stood in the way of the project, would also seem to lack any evidential basis. The process and timescale by and over which the decision was taken to bring the Kisumu Molasses project to a halt would also seem to remove it as a likely cause for a dispute in 1990. Cabinet papers, official records and Dr Ouko's own correspondence prove that ultimately all decisions relating to the Molasses Project were taken by the Kenyan Cabinet, record that both he and Nicholas Biwott were agreed on the need for the rehabilitation of the 'Molasses Project', and attest to the assistance Nicholas Biwott gave him and the cooperation between the two men. The allegation that Nicholas Biwott championed an alternative tender in order to receive a 'kickback' from the project is even more curious as the two companies concerned, the Italian firms ABB Teconomassio SpA and Teconomasio Italiano/Brown Boveri, were both introduced to minister Dalmas Otieno by Domenico Airgahi and both belonged to the same multinational group. Thus there was no rival tender and there could have been no bribe asked for or paid for a company to pitch for a tender against itself. Nicholas Biwott's involvement with the Molasses Project ended on 3 November 1987 (when the Kenyan cabinet assigned specific duties to develop the project to the Ministries of Industry and Finance, not to Biwott's Ministry of Energy) over two years before Dr Ouko was murdered and the Molasses Project was effectively abandoned in 1988, the decision being taken by Dalmas Otieno who had replaced Dr Ouko as Minister for Industry following the election of that year, a decision taken nearly one-and-a-half years before Dr Ouko was murdered. Critically, Troon rejected Dalmas Otieno's evidence and did nor read, or ask for, the Kenyan Government's 'Molasses File' that would have substantiated Otieno's testimony. Dalmas Otieno, in a witness statement made 21 May 1990, stated, "I personally interviewed Mr Airaghi and I considered he was not competent to handle the project and knew nothing about Molasses. He initially asked for one million US dollars for the feasibility study, he then halved his sum, and eventually settled for 300,000 dollars." [edit] Corruption ReportMarianne Briner-Mattern's allegation that Dr Ouko had been preparing a report at the time of his death into high level corruption in Kenya and that by implication the report would have accused Nicholas Biwott and which according to Troon could have provided a motive for murder, also can not be substantiated. No such report was discovered at the time and none has appeared since. Marianne Briner-Mattern, the source of the allegation, was unable to help the Paliamentary Select Committee investigation in 2004/5 as she stated the relevant documents had been stolen from her,twice, in Tanzania and taken out to sea by fishermen.[27] If, just prior to his murder, Dr Ouko was preparing a report into corruption in respect of the 'Molasses Project', he was doing so some two years after the cancellation of the project. [edit] Dominico Airaghi and Marianne Briner-MatternTroons reliance on the testimony of Domenico Airgahi and Marianne Briner-Mattern and his assessment that they were "truthful and honest" under "a reputable company" (Judicial Inquiry, 1990) has also been criticised in the light of subsequent revelations. It was later to be revealed that for the entire period in which Dominic Airaghi was dealing with the Kenyan Government in respect of the Molasses Project he was on a bail, a convicted and sentenced criminal who had been found to have committed an offence of dishonesty. On the 14th March 1987, Dominico Airaghi and an accomplice were convicted (Civil and Criminal Court of Milan) on charges of alleged corruption, it also being found by the Court that Airaghi had presented false evidence and false documents in an attempt to establish his defence. The Justice described Airaghi as having displayed "the attributes of an International Fortune Hunter.[28] He was sentenced to two years and six months in Prison and fined 2,000,000lire[29] Marianne Briner-Matter, or Marianne Briner as she termed herself at the time, who described herself as a "secretary" of "International Escort" an "employment agency",[30] gave evidence in Airaghi's defence at his trial in Milan. The court found her evidence in support of Airaghi to be false. The judge said of Marianne Briner, "who lived with Airgahi", that it would better to draw a "compassionate veil" over her testimony and commented on her "unreliability" as a witness.[31] Airaghi appealed against his conviction, the final appeal ending in the conviction being upheld on the 4th April, 1991.[32] The use of four different names and two addresses in three years for the various entities of 'BAK', the company through which Airaghi and Briner-Mattern tendered for the Molasses Project, was also unknown to Troon at the time of his investigation although Dalmas Otieno, Kenya's Minister of Industry, gave evidence to Troon that 'BAK' was ultimately excluded from the Molasses Project because it was incompetent and in breach of contract. 'BAK Group Marianne Briner + Partner' was registered as a joint partnership on 13 February 1990,[33]the day that Robert Ouko was murdered. Liquidation proceeedings against this BAK entity were initiated in Switzerland on 25 February 1992 and in June of that year it was struck of the Register of Companies. At the same time as the insolvency proceedings in Switzerland, Airaghi and Briner-Mattern established PTA BAK Group International Consultants in Spain[34] but it too was subsequently to be struck off the corporate register. After Dr Ouko's murder, Domenico Airgahi and Marianne Briner-Mattern's claim for losses in relation to the 'Molasses Project' increased from $150,000 to $5.975 million. Troon accepted that, in the absence of evidence from Airaghi and Briner-Mattern, there was no evidence against Nicholas Biwott [edit] "Who Killed Dr. R. J.Ouko and Why?"During the Kenya police's 'Further Investigations' they 'came across' a document (the report does not say how) entitled, "Who Killed Dr. Ouko and Why?" It was signed but the signature was unreadable and underneath the signature was typed, 'Dated this 4th December, 1991 at Rome'. The document of unknown origin alleged that 'Mrs. Marianne' and 'Mr. Airaghi' were the master minds behind the murder of the late Dr. Ouko'. The central allegations were that after Dr Ouko became Minister of Foreign Affairs in March 1989 and the Molasses Project ground to a halt, Briner-Mattern and Airaghi pressured and threatened him to get the money-making project underway but he failed to do so. Bitter at the waste of their time and money, Briner-Mattern and Airaghi 'orchestrated' a conflict 'between Dr. Ouko and some of his colleagues – notably the Industry and Energy Ministers' (Dalmas Otieno and Nicholas Biwott respectively). Far from Dr. Ouko writing a report on corruption among other Ministers at the time of his murder the "Who Killed Dr. R. J. Ouko and Why?" document stated that he was writing one on the corrupt dealings of the BAK group and PEC (a consortium of companies from Italy and Switzerland that had been involved with the initial building of the Molasses Plant). It was for this reason that Briner-Mattern and Airaghi planned to kill Dr Ouko, the document alleged. In their 'Further Investigations' Report, 1991, the Kenya police Stated they 'found no evidence to support the allegations'. The "Who Killed Dr. R. J. Ouko and Why?" document contained an intriguing postscript. Written by hand, it said: 'P.S. I am friend of Kenya and an acquaintance of Marianne. I first met with Marrianne in 1988 at Palermo, my home town. The mayor of Palermo is a close friend of mine and am a member of Social Democrat Party. That is all about me - Do not look for me, because Mafia might find you before you find me. Bye – cheerio'[35] [edit] Public InquiryIn October 1990, President Moi appointed a public inquiry into the case chaired by Justice Evans Gicheru. The inquiry was terminated by Moi in November 1991 at a point when Troon was being cross-examined on the grounds that he needed to return to the UK. He did not return to Kenya. The Gicheru Commission did not produce a final report. Following the disbanding of the Giceheru Commission and the onset of the Kenyan police investigation, ten government officials, including Energy Minister Nicholas Biwott and head of internal security Hezekiah Oyugi, were detained for questioning in relation to the murder. Nicholas Biwott was released after two weeks in the absence of "any evidence to support the allegations".[36] Jonah Anguka, a District Commissioner from Nakuru, was tried for Ouko's murder in 1992 and acquitted, with the crime remaining unsolved. Anguka later fled into exile in the United States, saying he feared for his life. He has since published a book, "Absolute Power," denying his involvement in the Ouko Murder. [37] [edit] Parliamentary Select CommitteeIn March 2003 the newly elected government of Mwai Kibaki opened a new investigation into Ouko's death to be conducted by a parliamentary select committee. During the course of the Committee's deliberations several Members of Parliament publicly condemned the manner of its proceedings. Some left the committee and along with others who remained declared that they would not endorse its findings. Domenico Airaghi and Marianne Briner-Mattern agreed to testify on condition that they would not be cross-examined (something they had avoided during Troon's investigation, the Public Inquiry and the further investigation by the Kenyan police) and Nicholas Biwott was not allowed to call witnesses on his behalf or cross-examine or address other witnesses. The Select Committee however, did not complete its work. It was disbanded in 2005 on the grounds of 'interference' in its deliberations just as Nicholas Biwott was beginning his testimony to it. The (incomplete) report of the 'Select Committee Investigating Circumstances Leading to the Death of the Late Dr. The Hon. Robert John Ouko, EGH, MP' was never debated in the Kenyan House of Assembly, or put to a vote. [edit] Personal lifeRobert Ouko was married to Christabel Ouko.[41] His first-born son is named Ken.[42] Robert Ouko also had a daughter (born May 1983) by a Miss Herine Violas Ogembo, a relationship that lasted until his death.[43] In 2009, a fundraiser was held to build the Robert Ouko Memorial Community Library in Koru [4] [edit] See also[edit] References
Kagame: Stop blaming Rwanda for the mess in DRC Rwanda President Paul Kagame. Photo/File By Paul Kagame, President of Rwanda (email the author) In Summary
These are excerpts from President Kagame's Speech at the inauguration of the senior command and staff college and course on 23rd July, 2012. There are regional issues with challenges and opportunities, some of which will be there for some time. These issues end up being international. They are complicated even further by international actors. This is the situation we have in the Congo. Looking at it superficially, as some have, it is easy to apportion the blame; indeed, put the blame on Rwanda's shoulders. But this problem has not been caused nor abetted by Rwanda. In the past three to four years, no one has worked as hard as Rwanda for peace in both our country and our neighbours. The recent problem was created by the international community – our partners. They don't listen, nor provide the solution, they just keep creating problems. We know our problems and those of the region better than they do; we are genuine about wanting to find a solution. They will come, run over everything and when things explode, turn around and blame it on you. The Democratic Republic of Congo had elections. We tried to play a very positive role with the government in Congo despite its many problems. We worked together on security challenges that have affected us for the past 18 years. Some people are not happy about that so they come up with the idea to have certain people arrested in the Congo for justice, for accountability, which is good if only it wasn't selective. They came to us and said, "You know what, we want to arrest some people in Congo and we want you to help arrest these people." Go ahead and arrest them, why do you even come to us? They said, "No, we want you to help the government of DRC arrest so and so." We said, "Oh, how did this become our problem? Why don't you go and help arrest the people you want to arrest for the International Criminal Court? For whatever reasons, you do not even need to explain to us, go ahead and do whatever you want to do but don't involve us, we don't want it, we don't want to be involved, we don't even understand what you are doing?" Instead, they shifted pressure to us. This was before this conflict. We even tried to be helpful. I was the first person to call the DRC president when we learned what was going on and how it was being messed up: "You know what, there is something coming up that I don't understand. Are you aware of it? Are you behind it with these others I hear about? Aren't you creating problems for yourself?" He said, "Yes, they have come to me, they have told me this, but my approach is different. I want to arrest this fellow for his indiscipline, but I am not handing him over to the ICC." Anyway, for the reason that they are able to put the mess they have caused on other people's shoulders, they don't listen. They don't listen — the same way they never listened when genocide was taking place here in Rwanda. In fact, this ICTR they put in place to try people on genocide should have tried some members of the international community. They never listen even when they see facts, even when they see things happening because they have the power to blame the mess on someone else. EA banks urged to steer clear of political influence KIGALI RWANDA--East African Central Bank governors meeting jointly in Kigali last week have agreed their institutions must steer clear of political influence if they are to make sane decisions. "Institutions have to be respected, Central banks have to be independent and do as they deem right," said Prof. Njuguna Ndung'u who's the current chairman of the East African Central Bankers and Governor of Bank of Kenya. The Governors were in Kigali to launch the 'The Oxford Companion to the economics of Africa' where Uganda's deputy Central Bank Governor, Dr. Luis Kasekende is a co-author. The book that has hundreds of chapters on various economic aspects of Africa brought together several scholars and economists around the world to put together what Dr. Kasekende termed as "the bible of all our economic problems.' Rwanda Central Bank Governor, Amb. Claver Gatete summarized the book as 'having something for everyone' therefore a must read. Key chapters in the thick book that was published by the Oxford University include the Economic History of Africa, Managing risks In a more volatile world, structural transformation, Making growth more inclusive, Agricultural development and Food security, political economy and the importance of the institutions of governance, regionalisation and many others discussed by an array of scholars. Under Agricultural development and food security, the book notes that though the sector still accounts for more than a third of the GDP on average in Africa, that share is declining therefore there's an urgent need to stimulate agricultural modernization for the long term, poverty reduction and food security for the continent. On Regionalism, the book says since many African countries are small and landlocked and face challenges of efficiently developing infrastructure and acquiring the requisite diversity in resources in a cost effective manner. This reduces chances of gaining comparative advantage and competitiveness but through regionalism, their chances are given a boost. Immigration law worries Chinese investors KAMPALA, UGANDA - The chairman of Uganda Overseas Chinese Association Mr. Yang Zheng Jun has said the strict immigration policies, which Uganda wants to institute on Chinese investors, will strain the relationship the two countries are forging. Zheng noted by the government forcefully repatriating some Chinese people living in Uganda, the image of Ugandans in China is being shuttered. He sent the warning during a dinner that was organized in Kampala by the Federation of Uganda Employers, the Chinese community living in Uganda and the Norwegian Embassy under the Company Cooperation Group. Zheng was concerned many Chinese without the $100,000 investor threshold are awaiting repatriation, which he noted is bad for a young relationship. "We also urge the Uganda government to reduce the investor threshold. The people who do not meet this threshold should not be returned to China forcefully," said Zheng. The governments' crackdown and institution of stricter immigration laws came as a result of complaints from the Kampala business community under KACITA outcry that many "Chinese investors" are involved in petty trade kicking the local traders out of business. "Imagine some of them are becoming hawkers and others vendors," noted a bitter KACITA member, an advocate for the repatriation of Chinese in petty trade. Zheng also called upon the government to add more protection/security to Chinese investors saying many robberies have targeted Chinese businessmen. The government's move to tighten immigration policy came as a result of traders under Kampala City Traders' Association (KACITA) became furious with it over "fake" Chinese investors. Some demonstrated on the streets of Kampala, protesting the "quack" Chinese investors scattered through out in the country. Mr. Zou Xiaoming, the Commercial Attache at the Chinese Embassy pledged more China investment in Africa and, Uganda in particular. "China will support the African integration process; promote peace and security in Africa." Xiaoming added that China investments into Africa had reached $14.7b by the end of 2011, up by 60% from 2009. He stressed Chinese companies have not only helped diversify the African economy, contributed to local tax revenue, job creation, and found a promising land for overseas expansion. In Uganda, China's investments have reached $596m in 2011, with about 265 known Chinese companies that have opened up business. Xiaoming explained in order to take full advantage of the trilateral cooperation mechanism and push the political and economic relation further, it is key to recognize what kind of strategic political and economic roles China could play while Uganda is realizing its goals of becoming a middle income country. "The other issues should be finding out sectors and ways that Chinese investment could be best explored and used to promote Uganda's economic growth. "Set up database of potential investment projects to facilitate Chinese investors and sensitize our people and promote mutual understanding on our cultural differences, such as time sense, incentive measure and enterprises management," noted Xiaoming. "Through our joint efforts, I firmly believe that China and Uganda economic cooperation will be much closer, our people will understand each other better, and the friendship between our two countries will be stronger," said Xiaoming. Kigali ponders new loyalty tax on mineralsKIGALI, RWANDA- Rwanda's Parliament is in the process of discussing a bill whose success will lead to introducing a new tax that will see all minerals paying a fixed amount for loyalty. The tax bill was tabled before the Lower Chamber of Parliament last year by the Finance Ministry arguing that, Rwanda was not exploiting enough of their mineral wealth and could earn more if a new tax was introduced. The bill proposes loyalty tax rates on mines to be fixed at four percent of the standard value of basic metals and other minerals while six percent levy is proposed on the standard value of gold and other precious metals. The bill also talks of a six percent levy on the gross value of diamonds and other precious stones. The mining sector is one of Rwanda's major revenue sources as it resulted in receipts worth over $150 million in 2011 and estimated to employ over 30,000 people. Rwanda's Minister of Natural Resources was quoted in July lamenting to parliament that government was not getting enough in form of tax revenue from the mines considering the size of the industry. But while Celestin Bumbakare, the Commissioner for Domestic Taxes at Rwanda Revenue Authority (RRA) insists the tax should not be considered as a burden to the private investors as it's 'essential for improving business in a country's exhaustible resources' several investors are in rue over it. The miners say they are already paying several other fees to district administrations, to Geology and Mines Department (GMD) and fees for tagging minerals on top of high costs of extracting minerals. A source revealed to the EABW that miners are working on a joint document to present to the ministry with the aim of negotiating a lower and friendly tariff. The Value of Rwanda's minerals fell from 67.7% recorded between January and June 2011 to 64.6% in the same period of 2012 indicating a fall of 4.5%. Rwanda's mining and quarrying sector accounted for only about 0.7% of the gross domestic product according to the mineral industry report of 2010. Some of the minerals include tantalum, (accounting for 15% of world tantalum mine production in 2010), columbite-tantalite, cassiterite (tin ore), and wolframite (tungsten ore). Though Rwanda does a lot of domestic mining, it also benefits a lot from re-exports from mining operations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The current standoff with the much larger neighbor will most certainly mar those activities affecting the mining sector negatively. The state-owned Régie d'Exploitation et de Développement des Mines (REDEMI) is the leading public player in the mining sector but several privately owned companies, cooperatives, and artisanal miners also engaged in production. CAA to build two new airportsKAMPALA, Uganda's Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) has embarked an ambitious expansion programme that will see the elevation of two aerodromes into International Airports. According to Mr. Ignie Igunduura, the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) Public Relations Manager told the East African Business Week that the master plan studies and engineering designs for the development of the Gulu and Kasese aerodromes into International Airports have been completed. "The master plan studies' report has already been submitted to government but they (aerodromes) are going to be developed in phases because it wouldn't be easy to do all of them at a go," Igunduura said. The development of the Gulu (Northern Uganda) and Kasese (Western Uganda) aerodromes into Airports would inevitably help Entebbe International Airport, Uganda's only airport with the overwhelming traffic numbers that have over the years increased rapidly. In July, Entebbe Airport received the 2012 Routes Africa Marketing Accolade for managing to attract the largest number of reputable airlines but the Airport is finding it difficult to manage the ever growing traffic. According to Mr. David Mpango Kakuba, the Deputy Managing Director of CAA, "Air passenger traffic at Entebbe is steadily growing, currently at 1.2 million per year compared to three years ago when it was only 500,000 passengers." According to sources, it is expected that the United Nations base near the airport will have close to 6,000 personnel, coupled with the onset of oil drilling; the country is expected to experience increased activity at Entebbe Airport. If the expansion process of the airport is not fast tracked, the numbers could overwhelm the authorities. The Uganda Revenue Authority's (URA) customs department has also asked the authorities to provide the Cargo section with an independent area away from the current location so as to minimize loopholes during loading and offloading of cargo. With the construction of two new airports, pressure would ease from Entebbe and passengers would be able to fly directly to and from these areas. According to Igunduura, the development of the two aerodromes would cost an estimated $240m and that there were negotiations between government and a Chinese company to fund the projects. The CAA currently manages 13 aerodromes as well as the Entebbe Airport but there are other privately owned airfields. Igunduura also added that the Arua Aerodrome (West Nile) is undergoing expansion and that CAA was working on acquiring more landfor access roads, apron for air planes. Tanzania external debt hits US$10bDAR ES SALAAM - Tanzania's external debt stock stood at $10.35b, being $386m higher than the amount recorded at the... Read more Immigration law worries Chinese investorsKAMPALA, UGANDA - The chairman of Uganda Overseas Chinese Association Mr. Yang Zheng Jun has said the strict immigration policies,... Read more Kigali ponders new loyalty tax on mineralsKIGALI, RWANDA- Rwanda's Parliament is in the process of discussing a bill whose success will lead to introducing a new... Read more |
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