Folks, Good people, I feel that the attack on President Obama at RNC Congress is (more specific by Paul Ryan) quite unfortunate, sound alarming, is unfair, cutting-edge and very scary calling for a concern. This is not how things should go... The GOP vice presidential nominee Paul Ryan on the Republican National Convention on Wednesday blamed President Obama on the nation's fiscal problems and we wonder why he never offered a solution but was part of the problem at the time he was the conservative House Budget Committee chairman from Wisconsin and during the time before President Obama took office why we believe he was part of the reason the economy was in gutters from economic crisis. In his speech he again did not provide specifics show-case how they will provide the solutions for the nation's chronic deficit and debt problems.
In Paul Ryan's speech, he made a powerful, negative and deceptive leverage claims directed to President Obama that require immediate response from the President to clear this thick smokescreen. He sounded critical, determined, very shrewed, tricky, cunning, far-sightedness and complicated.
Ryan focused mostly on the fiscal issues of the national debt, medicare, the Government and how stimulus spending under Obama was mis-used and how his proposed Medicare reforms is more suited instead. At the end, he posed a question: "Without a change in leadership, why would the next four years be of any different from the last four years of Obama?"……..
It was clear the attacks are based on lies but must receive a fair amount of criticism because some claims such like Janesville, Wis., plant actually closed during the last year of George W. Bush's presidency. Paul Ryan clearly makes allegations based on falsehood.
Because from the word go, the GOP Special Interest agents engaged in how to make President Obama a one-time President, Paul Ryan did not care for fiscal issues and it is the reason why he voted against Simpson Bowles because he said it would help Obama and he did not support the Simpson-Bowles fiscal plan.
Rep. Paul Ryan, who tried to save a GM factory in Wisconsin that closed when George W. Bush was president, now blames the closure on President Barack Obama.
Ryan lied about Obama that the plant in his home town was shut down under Bush not Obama.
Paul Ryan and Mitt Romney are against a Government serving ordinary middle class and the poor except they prefer the Government for the few rich special interest.
Paul Ryan helped create the debt by voting for every bill Bush wanted. All his years in Congress, he never voted to lower the deficit but to raise it, how will he make it different this time round.
Paul Ryan has been in Congress all his life, he says he and Romney will fix the debt but he himself is a deficit celebrity who never voted to lower the deficit but voted to raise it.
Could Paul Ryan be an disingenuous liar if, his information in public reveals that he trades stocks in his spare time and is a fan of the nation's blue chips: among the stocks he owns are Apple, Exxon Mobil, General Electric, I.B.M., Procter & Gamble, Wells Fargo, Google, McDonald's, Nike and Berkshire Hathaway, according to his latest disclosure filing?
If Paul Ryan's Speech is not a Lying competition, to get and force President Obama out of office deceitfully, what is?.......and if the competition is now set on stage, why not challenge immediately with pure facts and let Americans voters decide????........
These are very serious and frightening alleged claims that must not be taken lightly.........!!!
Judy Miriga Diaspora Spokesperson Executive Director Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc., USA http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com Fact checking the GOP Convention's opening night TheWashingtonPost
 (J. David Ake/AP) "I can tell you Mitt Romney was not handed success. He built it." — Ann Romney, Aug. 28, 2012 Can an entire convention be built around a grammatical error? We wondered about that as we watched the first night of the Republican Convention. From House Speaker John A. Boehner to RNC Chairman Reince Priebus to Ann Romney, speaker after speaker made reference to Obama's statement that "If you've got a business — you didn't build that. Somebody else made that happen." When Ann Romney declared that her husband "was not handed success — he built it," the delegates even began chanting "We built it" — which in fact was the official theme for the convention on Tuesday. As our former colleague Peter Baker tweeted, "If Obama had a nickel for every time a Republican quoted his "didn't build it" line, that would take care of the whole national debt problem." We originally gave Romney's use of the phrase Three Pinocchios, a ruling that did not seem to please anyone, with Democrats complaining that Obama's words were clearly taken out of context and Republicans arguing that even in context, his words exposed a philosophy that was deeply suspicious of — even hostile to — the private sector. As we have often said, a gaffe can become an effective attack when it reinforces an existing stereotype about a politician. Democrats would have a stronger case for a complaint if they did not also yesterday release two videos that made ample use of gaffes by Romney that reinforced the stereotype of the GOP nominee being an uncaring corporate executive. For readers who have not read Obama's remarks in full context, here is the complete quote. It is often truncated in campaign ads "There are a lot of wealthy, successful Americans who agree with me — because they want to give something back. They know they didn't — look, if you've been successful, you didn't get there on your own. You didn't get there on your own. I'm always struck by people who think, well, it must be because I was just so smart. There are a lot of smart people out there. It must be because I worked harder than everybody else. Let me tell you something — there are a whole bunch of hardworking people out there. "If you were successful, somebody along the line gave you some help. There was a great teacher somewhere in your life. Somebody helped to create this unbelievable American system that we have that allowed you to thrive. Somebody invested in roads and bridges. If you've got a business — you didn't build that. Somebody else made that happen. The Internet didn't get invented on its own. Government research created the Internet so that all the companies could make money off the Internet. The point is, is that when we succeed, we succeed because of our individual initiative, but also because we do things together." As part of our fact-check gaffe series, we also did a video examination of Obama's words: The key question is whether "that" refers to "roads and bridges" — as the Obama campaign contends — or to a business. Yes, it's a bit of a judgment call, but the clincher for us was Obama's concluding line: "The point is, is that when we succeed, we succeed because of our individual initiative, but also because we do things together." Obama appears to be making the unremarkable point that companies and entrepreneurs often benefit in some way from taxpayer support for roads, education and so forth. In other words, he is trying to make the case for higher taxes, and for why he believes the rich should pay more, which as we noted is part of a long Democratic tradition. He just did not put it very eloquently. So we believed Three Pinocchios was a reasonable compromise, given the ungrammatical nature of Obama's phrasing. However, in light of the GOP's repeated misuse of this Obama quote in speech after speech, we feel compelled to increase the Pinocchio rating to Four. (Warning to Democrats: You will get the same scrutiny of out-of-context Romney quotes next week. It's really a silly thing on which to base a campaign.) Another misguided assertion on the first night was the Four-Pinocchio claim that President Obama waived the work requirement for welfare. Both former Pennsylvania senator Rick Santorum and former congressman Artur Davis made variations of this claim. As Santorum put it, "This summer he [Obama] showed us once again he believes in government handouts and dependency by waiving the work requirement for welfare. I helped write the welfare reform bill; we made the law crystal clear — no president can waive the work requirement." This is a gross simplification of a complex issue. As we wrote in our original column on this issue, the Obama administration certainly appears to have committed a process foul in the way that it said it would consider waivers for worker participation targets, made in response to a request from GOP and Democratic governors. Santorum would be correct to suggest there is something fishy about the administration's legal reasoning. But one cannot make the rhetorical leap that Santorum does and conclude that this means that Obama believes in government handouts and dependency. There has been no dispute among fact checkers on this question, with PolitiFact awarding the claim "Pants on Fire" and FactCheck.org also saying it was incorrect. Interestingly, Romney pollster Neal Newhouse dismissed the complaints of fact-checking organizations after a Romney ad executive said that an ad based on this assertion was "our most effective ad." "Fact checkers come to this with their own sets of thoughts and beliefs, and we're not going to let our campaign be dictated by fact checkers," he told BuzzFeed. We know readers will forever question our "thoughts and beliefs" — pick a day and we are either tagged as a liberal or conservative, depending on whose ox is being gored that morning. But the Romney campaign would have a stronger case for ignoring fact checkers if it did not repeatedly cite our work in TV advertisements and news releases. See, for instance, this ad: Meanwhile, this release from last month, "The Obama Campaign's Top Ten Lies & Exaggerations," is based almost entirely on citations of fact-checking organizations, including seven of this column, nine of FactCheck.Org and four of PolitiFact. The Romney campaign may not want to be dictated by fact checkers, but campaign officials certainly like to quote us when it serves their purposes. It was ever thus. (NOTE TO READERS: All this week, and next, we will keep an ear out for suspect facts uttered at the conventions. We suspect many will be previously debunked claims, as on the RNC's opening night, but we welcome suggestions for claims to check.) More from PostPolitics Republican National Convention Day 2: Winners and Losers THE FIX | The best (and worst) of the second night of the Republican National Convention. FACT CHECKER | Ryan's phrasing suggests plant closed under Obama. It didn't.   Rep. Paul Ryan, who tried to save a GM factory in Wisconsin that closed when George W. Bush was president, now blames the closure on President Barack Obama. GOP vice presidential candidate Paul Ryan took a swipe at President Barack Obama on Thursday for failing to rescue a General Motors factory in his Wisconsin congressional district, calling it "one more broken promise" on the Democratic administration's record. "I remember President Obama visiting it when he was first running, saying he'll keep that plant open," Ryan said during a campaign stop. "One of the reasons that plant got shut down was $4 gasoline. You see, this costs jobs. The president's terrible energy policies are costing us jobs." The attack has already received a fair amount of ridicule because the Janesville, Wis., plant actually closed during the last year of George W. Bush's presidency. What hasn't really been emphasized is whether Ryan clearly knew this and made the charge nonetheless. According to a rudimentary LexisNexis search, Ryan made multiple public pleas to GM, including op-eds in his home state newspaper, to keep the plant open. He and fellow Wisconsin lawmakers went to the automobile company's headquarters to present plans to extend the plant's life. When the Bush administration itself called the decision to close the plant evidence that the auto industry was trimming fat and improving its bottom line, Ryan called the news "gut-wrenching." And as it became clear in early-fall 2008 that GM wouldn't relent, Ryan publicly touted the federal tax money he secured to help displaced workers -- a use of funds that would seem at odds with his limited-government, fiscal conservative image. The timeline is worth recounting now that it has popped up in Ryan's stump speech. In April 29, 2008, it was announced that 750 workers at the GM plant in Janesville would lose their jobs. Ryan, according to the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, said he would "work closely with those in Janesville facing uncertainty in the months ahead and do all that I can to ensure that they get the assistance they need." On May 1, 2008, then-Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wis.), along with Sen. Herb Kohl (D-Wis.) and Ryan, sent a letter to Rick Wagoner, then GM CEO, urging the company to join government, community organizations and employers to help the affected workers. "We ask that you give every consideration to maintaining GM's presence in Janesville, as well as taking future steps to ensure the continued success of the Janesville plant, including considering the assignment of new production models at the plant," the lawmakers wrote. On May 4, 2008, Ryan wrote an op-ed in the Journal Sentinel calling for a comprehensive energy plan in light of the news that the GM plant was firing 750 people. "As a fifth-generation native of Janesville, I grew up learning the old saying, "As GM goes, so goes Janesville,'" Ryan wrote. It was announced in early June that GM would indeed close the Janesville plant and three others. Ryan said it was "gut wrenching." Later, he joined Feingold and Kohl in writing another letter to Wagoner. "On May 1 of this year, we wrote to you asking that GM take future steps to ensure the continued success of the Janesville plant, including considering the assignment of new production models at the plant. We renew that request now," the letter read. On June 4, the Bush administration framed GM's decision as evidence the troubled automaker was getting its finances in order. The Bush White House spokeswoman, Dana Perino, said it was "a sign that Detroit continues to adapt and evolve and address the change in consumer tastes and attitudes. ... They're adapting well and they'll make these changes and hopefully be able to pull themselves up out of what has been a rough several years." Then-Sen. Obama, who had visited the Janesville plant in February, issued a statement. "My heart goes out to the workers and families affected by the closing of these GM plants," he said. "Today's news is a painful reminder not only of the challenges America faces in our global economy, but of George Bush's failed economic policies." He finished by pledging to help domestic automakers "with the funding they need to retool their factories and make fuel-efficient and alternative-fuel cars. And we'll invest in efforts to make sure that the cars of the future are made where they always have been -- in the United States." Ryan was quoted in a Detroit News article that day. "Growing up and living in Janesville, this is something we've always feared," the congressman said, calling the closure "a big psychological and economic blow to our community and our state; but Janesville will survive this, because we simply have to survive this." By September of 2008, Ryan, who supported the auto bailout so long as the funds didn't come from the financial sector bailout, was still working aggressively to get GM to change its mind. He, along with Feingold and Rep. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), met with company officials in Detroit and "made clear what a tremendous asset the people of Janesville's GM plant are to GM, and how important GM jobs are to the Janesville community." On Sept. 13, the Herald Times Reporter said Ryan and then-Gov. Jim Doyle (D) had presented an "aggressive incentive plan" to GM leaders. But by then, GM's shutdown plans were set. On Oct. 11, 2008, the Journal Sentinel reported that GM would announce it would close the Janesville plant around Christmas, "at least a year earlier than the company had initially projected." Less than a month earlier, Ryan was making preparations to help the displaced workers and using federal funds to pick up the tab. On Sept. 18, his office put out a statement that it had joined forces with the U.S. Commerce Department's Economic Development Agency to secure a $450,000 grant to support economic initiatives for the Janesville area. "This has been a gut-wrenching summer for southern Wisconsin," Ryan said, "and today's announcement provides our community with much-needed support. I remain firmly optimistic that Janesville's best days are ahead." On Oct. 2, Ryan announced that the U.S. Department of Labor had awarded a $1.6 million national emergency grant to the Wisconsin Department of Workforce Development. The money would help "dislocated workers in Rock County's automotive industry, including workers at General Motors, Lear Corporation, Logistics Services Inc., and United Industries." Chris Christie and Paul Ryan hit the same themes. But did any of their lines really sound like a description of Mitt Romney? Good evening. Distinguished delegates, fellow Republicans, fellow Americans. We gather here at a time of significance and challenge. This young century has been a difficult one. I will never forget the bright September day, standing at my desk in the White House, when my young assistant said that a plane had hit the World Trade Center — and then a second one — and a third, the Pentagon. And then the news of a fourth, driven into the ground by brave citizens that died so that many others would live. From that day on our sense of vulnerability and our understanding of security would be altered forever. Then in 2008 the global financial and economic crisis stunned us and still reverberates as unemployment, economic uncertainty and failed policies cast a pall over the American recovery so desperately needed at home and abroad. And we have seen once again that the desire for freedom is universal — as men and women in the Middle East demand it. Yet, the promise of the Arab Spring is engulfed in uncertainty; internal strife and hostile neighbors are challenging the fragile democracy in Iraq; dictators in Iran and Syria butcher their own people and threaten the security of the region; China and Russia prevent a response; and all wonder, "Where does America stand?" Indeed that is the question of the moment — "Where does America stand?" When our friends and our foes, alike, do not know the answer to that question — clearly and unambiguously — the world is a chaotic and dangerous place. The U.S. has since the end of World War II had an answer — we stand for free peoples and free markets, we are willing to support and defend them — we will sustain a balance of power that favors freedom. To be sure, the burdens of leadership have been heavy. I, like you, know the sacrifices that Americans have made — yes including the ultimate sacrifice of many of our bravest. Yet our armed forces remain the sure foundation of liberty. We are fortunate to have men and women who volunteer — they volunteer to defend us on the front lines of freedom. And we owe them our eternal gratitude. I know too that it has not always been easy — though it has been rewarding — to speak up for those who would otherwise be without a voice — the religious dissident in China; the democracy advocate in Venezuela; the political prisoner in Iran. It has been hard to muster the resources to support fledgling democracies — or to help the world's most desperate — the AIDs orphan in Uganda, the refugee fleeing Zimbabwe, the young woman who has been trafficked into the sex trade in Southeast Asia; the world's poorest in Haiti. Yet this assistance — together with the compassionate works of private charities — people of conscience and people of faith — has shown the soul of our country. And I know too that there is weariness — a sense that we have carried these burdens long enough. But if we are not inspired to lead again, one of two things will happen — no one will lead and that will foster chaos — or others who do not share our values will fill the vacuum. My fellow Americans, we do not have a choice. We cannot be reluctant to lead — and one cannot lead from behind. Everything Wall St. Should Know About RyanBy ANDREW ROSS SORKIN Ben Garvin for The New York TimesPaul Ryan dislikes the Dodd-Frank Act's ability to safely dismantle failing banks, a provision Wall Street strongly favors.He could be mistaken for a Wall Street banker. Or perhaps a hedge fund manager. Or even a managing director at a private equity firm, like Bain Capital. Paul Ryan, with his clean-cut Brooks Brothers looks and wonky obsession with spreadsheets, could be just the archetype of a Wall Streeter. Mitt Romney's new running mate even trades stocks in his spare time. He's a fan of the nation's blue chips: among the stocks he owns are Apple, Exxon Mobil, General Electric, I.B.M., Procter & Gamble, Wells Fargo, Google, McDonald's, Nike and Berkshire Hathaway, according to his latest disclosure filing. Mr. Ryan is a disciple of Ayn Rand and Milton Friedman, two figures long associated with free markets.And he has the support of some powerful backers in finance: his top donors include employees of Wells Fargo, UBS, Goldman Sachs and Bank of America. For his 2012 Congressional race, he raised about $179,000 from securities professionals (not a large sum, but certainly the single largest sector that donated money to his campaign). One of the biggest contributors to his political action committee is from Paul Singer's hedge fund, Elliott Management. And Dan Senor, recently an investment adviser to Elliott Management, was just named Mr. Romney's new adviser. But what does Mr. Ryan think about Wall Street? His views may surprise you. Mr. Ryan, who voted in 1999 to repeal parts of the Glass-Steagall Act, allowing commercial and investment banks to merge, now appears to be in the same change-of-heart camp as Sandy Weill, the former chief executive of Citigroup, who recently declared that the banks should be broken up. "We should make sure you can't get too big where you're going to become too big to fail and trigger a bailout," Mr. Ryan said during a meeting with constituents in May in Wisconsin. "If you're a bank and you want to operate like some nonbank entity like a hedge fund, then don't be a bank. Don't let banks use their customers' money to do anything other than traditional banking." With a view like that, Mr. Ryan faces a challenge winning the support of the likes of Jamie Dimon, the chairman of JPMorgan Chase and a vocal supporter of the big bank model. (Mr. Dimon, a onetime supporter of President Obama, had recently been hinting he could vote for Mr. Romney, regularly calling himself "barely a Democrat.") Mr. Ryan is also an ardent critic of the Dodd-Frank Act, the postcrisis Wall Street legislation. But, oddly enough, the provision he dislikes the most is the one that has the greatest support of the industry: a tool known as resolution authority, which gives the government the authority to dismantle a failing bank without wreaking havoc on the rest of the system. It was a provision that was supported by the former Republican Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson Jr. "We would have loved to have something like this for Lehman Brothers. There's no doubt about it," Mr. Paulson told me two years ago. The provision was also supported almost universally by Wall Street as a way to end the "too big to fail" problem. Mr. Ryan's 2013 budget proposal sought to remove the resolution authority provision saying, "While the authors of the Dodd-Frank Act went to great lengths to denounce bailouts, this law only sustains them." It is worth noting that Mr. Ryan voted in favor of the bank bailout in 2008, known as TARP or Troubled Asset Relief Program. Ahead of the vote, he encouraged his colleagues in the House to vote in favor of it to avoid "this Wall Street problem infecting Main Street." He added: "This bill offends my principles, but I'm going to vote for this bill in order to preserve my principles, in order to preserve this free enterprise system. We're in this moment and if we fail to do the right thing, heaven help us." While Mr. Ryan may appear to be a friend of business, he doesn't agree with the industry's biggest talking point these days, the Simpson-Bowles deficit reduction plan. He was a member of the commission and voted it down, arguing that it did not go far enough in overhauling health care entitlements. He later criticized President Obama for not supporting it. That prompted Gene Sperling, director of the National Economic Council under President Obama, to retort on CNN: "Paul Ryan, talking about walking away from a balanced plan like Bowles-Simpson is, I don't know, somewhere between laughable and a new definition for chutzpah." Oddly enough, Erskine Bowles, a Democrat, praised Mr. Ryan's proposed budget in a speech in 2011, saying, "I always thought that I was O.K. with arithmetic, but this guy can run circles around me." Mr. Ryan also bucked the conventional Wall Street wisdom on how to deal with the debt ceiling. Many investment managers are wringing their hands about the uncertainty that the debate over the "fiscal cliff" is creating for markets. Last year, three months before the debt ceiling debate reached a peak, Mr. Ryan said that he was prepared to let the government default on its debt for at least several days if it would force Democrats to accept deeper cuts. "They all say, 'Whatever you do, make sure you get real spending cuts,' " Mr. Ryan told CNBC about the way investors, including the hedge fund manager Stanley Druckenmiller, wanted him to vote. "Because you want to make sure that the bondholder has the confidence that the government's going to be able to pay them. You're putting the government in a better position to pay them." James Pethokoukis, a columnist for the American Enterprise Institute, which has traditionally supported Mr. Ryan, sent this Twitter message in April. "I hear what G.O.P. support there was for Obama/Bowles/Simpson debt panel plan is collapsing thanks to Ryan Plan." So while financiers may cheer Mr. Ryan's pro-market policies, they may want to reassess just what those policies mean for their businesses. Transcript of Condoleezza Rice speech at the RNCPublished August 29, 2012 FoxNews.com The following is a transcript of a speech that former secretary of state Condoleezza Rice gave at the Republican National Convention on Aug. 29, 2012. RICE: Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you. (APPLAUSE) Thank you so much. Good evening. Good evening, distinguished delegates. Good evening, fellow Republicans. Good evening, my fellow Americans. (APPLAUSE) We gather here at a time of significance and challenge. This young century has been a difficult one. I can remember as if it were yesterday when my young assistants came into my office at the White House to say that a plane had hit the World Trade Center, and then, a second plane, and then a third plane, the Pentagon. And later, we would learn that a plane had crashed into a field in Pennsylvania, driven into the ground by brave souls who died so that others might live. (APPLAUSE) From that day on -- from that day on, our sense of vulnerability and our concepts of security were never the same again. Then, in 2008, the global financial and economic crisis would stun us. And it still reverberates as we deal with unemployment and economic uncertainty and bad policies that cast a pall over an American economy and a recovery that is desperately needed at home and abroad. And we have seen -- we have seen that the desire for liberty and freedom is, indeed, universal, as men and women in the Middle East rise up to seize it. Yet, the promise of the Arab spring is engulfed in uncertainty, internal strife, and hostile neighbors our challenging the young, fragile democracy of Iraq. Dictators in Iran and Syria butcher their people and threat to regional security. Russia and China prevent a response, and everyone asks, where does America stand? (APPLAUSE) Indeed -- indeed, that is the question of the hour. Where does America stand? You see when the friends or foes alike don't know the answer to that question, unambiguously and clearly, the world is likely to be a more dangerous and chaotic place. Since world war ii, the United States has had an answer to that question. We stand for free peoples and free markets. We will defend and support them. (APPLAUSE) We will sustain a balance of power that favors freedom. Now, to be sure, the burdens of leadership have been heavy. I know, as you do, the sacrifice of Americans, especially the sacrifice of many of our bravest in the ultimate sacrifice, but our armed forces are the surest shield and foundation of liberty, and we are so fortunate that we have men and women in uniform who volunteer, they volunteer to defend us at the front lines of freedom, and we owe them our eternal gratitude. (APPLAUSE) I know too it has not always been easy though it has been rewarding to speak for those who otherwise do not have a voice. The religious dissident in China, the democracy advocate in Venezuela, the political prisoner in Iran. It has been hard to muster the resources to support fledgling democracies and to intervene on behalf of the most desperate. The AIDS orphans in Uganda, the refugee fleeing Zimbabwe, the young woman who has been trafficked into the sex trade in Southeast Asia. It has been hard, yet this assistance together with the compassionate work of private charities, people of conscience and people of faith, has shown the soul of our country. And I know too -- I know too there is a wariness. I know that it feels as if we have carried these burdens long enough. But we can only know that there is no choice, because one of two things will happen if we don't lead. Either no one will lead and there will be chaos, or someone will fill the vacuum who does not share our values. My fellow Americans, we do not have a choice. We cannot be reluctant to lead and you cannot lead from behind. (APPLAUSE) Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan understand this reality. Our well- being at home and our leadership abroad are inextricably linked. They know what to do. They know that our friends and allies must again be able to trust us. From Israel to Columbia, from Poland to the Philippines, our allies and friends have to know that we will be reliable and consistent and determined. And our foes can have no reason to doubt our resolve because peace really does come through strength. (APPLAUSE) Our military capability and our technological advantage will be safe in Mitt Romney's hands. We must work for an open, global economy, and pursue free and fair trade, to grow our exports and our influence abroad. If you are worried about the rise of China, just consider this -- the United States has negotiated -- the United States has ratified only three trade agreements in the last few years, and those were negotiated in the Bush administration. China has signed 15 free trade agreements and is in the progress of negotiating as many as 18 more. Sadly, we are abandoning the field of free and fair trade and it will come back to haunt us. (APPLAUSE) We must not allow the chance to attain energy independence to slip from our grasp. We are blessed with a gift of oil and gas resources here in North America, and we must develop them. We can develop them sensitively, we can develop them securing our environment, but we must develop them. (APPLAUSE) And we have the ingenuity to develop alternatives sources of energy. Most importantly, Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan will rebuild the foundation of our strength, the American economy -- stimulating private sector growth and stimulating small business entrepreneurship. (APPLAUSE) When the world looks at us today, they see an American government that cannot live within its means. They see an American government that continues to borrow money, that will mortgage the future of generations to come. The world knows that when a nation loses control of its finances, it eventually loses control of its destiny. That is not the America that has inspired people to follow our lead. (APPLAUSE) After all, when the world looks to America, they look to us because we are the most successful economic and political experiment in human history. That is the true basis of American exceptionalism. You see, the essence of America, what really unites us, is not nationality or ethnicity or religion. It is an idea. And what an idea it is. That you can come from humble circumstances and you can do great things, that it does not matter where you came from, it matters where you are going. (APPLAUSE) My fellow Americans, ours has never been a narrative of grievance and entitlement. We have never believed that I am doing poorly because you are doing well. We have never been jealous of one another and never envious of each others' successes. (APPLAUSE) No, no, ours has been a belief in opportunity. And it has been a constant struggle, long and hard, up and down, to try to extend the benefits of the American dream to all. But that American ideal is indeed in danger today. There is no country, no, not even a rising China that can do more harm to us than we can do to ourselves if we do not do the hard work before us here at home. (APPLAUSE) More than at any other time in history, greatness is built on mobilizing human potential and ambition. We have always done that better than any country in the world. People have come here from all over because they have believed our creed of opportunity and limitless horizons. They have come here from the world's most impoverished nations just to make a decent wage. And they have come here from advanced societies as engineers and scientists that fuel the knowledge-based revolution in the Silicon Valley of California, in the Research Triangle of North Carolina, along Route 128 in Massachusetts, in Austin, Texas, and across this great land. (APPLAUSE) We must continue to welcome the world's most ambitious people to be a part of us. In that way, we stay young and optimistic and determined. We need immigration laws that protect our borders, meet our economic needs, and yet show that we are a compassionate nation of immigrants. (APPLAUSE) We have been successful too because Americans have known that one's status of birth is not a permanent condition. Americans have believed that you might not be able to control your circumstances but you can control your response to your circumstances. (APPLAUSE) And your greatest ally in controlling your response to your circumstances has been a quality education. But today, today, when I can look at your zip code and I can tell whether you're going to get a good education, can I honestly say it does not matter where you came from, it matters where you are going? The crisis in K-12 education is a threat to the very fabric of who we are. (APPLAUSE) My mom was a teacher. I respect the profession. We need great teachers, not poor ones and not mediocre ones. We have to have high standards for our kids, because self-esteem comes from achievement, not from lax standards and false praise. (APPLAUSE) And we need to give parents greater choice, particularly, particularly poor parents whose kids, very often minorities, are trapped in failing neighborhood schools. This is the civil rights issue of our day. (APPLAUSE) If we do anything less, we can damage generations to joblessness and hopelessness and life on the government dole (ph). If we do anything less, we will endanger our global imperatives for competitiveness. And if we do anything less, we will tear apart the fabric of who we are and cement the turn toward entitlement and grievance. Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan will rebuild us at home. And they will help us lead abroad. They will provide an answer to the question, ``where does America stand?'' The challenge is real and the times are hard. But America has met and overcome hard challenges before. Whenever you find yourself a doubting us, just think about all those times that America made impossible seemed inevitable in retrospect. Our revolutionary founding act as the greatest military power of the time, a civil war, brother against brother, hundreds of thousands dead on both sides, but we emerged a more perfect union. A second founding when inpatient patriots were determined to overcome the birth defect of slavery and the scourge of segregation. A long struggle against communism with the soviets even -- the soviet union's collapse and in the aftermath of 9/11, the willingness to take hard, hard decisions that toward us and prevented the follow on attack that everybody thought preordained. (APPLAUSE) And on a personal note, a little girl grows up in Jim Crow Birmingham. The segregated city of the south where her parents cannot take her to a movie theater or to restaurants, but they have convinced that even if she cannot have it hamburger at Woolworths, she can be the president of the United States if she wanted to be, and she becomes the secretary of state. (APPLAUSE) Yes, yes. Yes. Yes, America has a way of making the impossible seemed inevitable in retrospect, but we know it was never inevitable. It took leadership. And it took courage. And it's a belief that our values. Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan have the integrity and the experience and the vision to lead us. They know who we are. They know who we want to be. They know who we are in the world and what we offer. That is why -- that is why this is a moment and an election of consequence. Because it just has to be that the freest most compassionate country on the face of the earth will continue to be the most powerful and the beacon for prosperity and the party across the world. God bless you and God bless this extraordinary country, this exceptional country: The United States of America. (APPLAUSE) Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2012/08/29/transcript-condoleezza-rice-speech-at-rnc/#ixzz255wruyO5 Transcript of Paul Ryan's speech at the RNCPublished August 29, 2012 FoxNews.com The following is a transcript of vice presidential candidate Paul Ryan's speech at the Republican National Convention on Aug. 29, 2012. Hello, everybody. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much. Hey, Wisconsin. Thank you. Thank you. Thanks so much. Thank you. Mr. Chairman, delegates, and fellows citizens, I am honored by the support of this convention for vice president of the United States. (APPLAUSE) I accept the duty to help lead our nation out of a jobs crisis and back to prosperity. And I know we can do this. (APPLAUSE) I accept the calling of my generation to give our children the America that was given to us with opportunity for the young and security for the old. And I know that we are ready. Our nominee is sure ready. His whole life prepared him for this moment. To meet serious challenges in a serious way. Without excuses. After four years of getting the runaround, America needs a turnaround and the man for the job as Governor Mitt Romney. (APPLAUSE) I'm the newcomer to this campaign. So let me share a first impression. I have never seen opponents so silent about their record, and so desperate to keep their power. They have run out of ideas. Their moment came and went. Fear and division is all they've got left. With all of their attack ads the president is just throwing away money. And he is pretty experienced at that. (APPLAUSE) You see, some people can't be dragged down by the usual cheap tactics. Because their character, ability, and plain decency are so obvious. These and deployment, that is Mitt Romney. (APPLAUSE) For my part, your nomination is an unexpected turn. It certainly came as news to my family. (LAUGHTER) And I'd like you to meet them. My best friend and wife Janna, my daughter Liza and our boys Charlie and Sam. (APPLAUSE) The kids are happy to see their grandma who lives in Florida. There she is, my mom, Betty. (APPLAUSE) My dad, a small town lawyer, was also named Paul. Until we lost him when I was 16, he was a gentle presence in my life. I'd like to think he'd be proud of me and my sister and brothers. (APPLAUSE) You know what? (APPLAUSE) I'm sure proud of him and where I come from, Janesville, Wisconsin. (APPLAUSE) I live on the same block where I grew up. We belong to the same parish where I was baptized. Janesville is that kind of place. The people of Wisconsin have been good to me. I've tried to live up to their trust. And now, I ask those hardworking men and women and millions like them across America to join our cause and get this country working again. (APPLAUSE) When Governor Romney asked me to join the ticket, I said let's get this done. And that is exactly what we are going to do. (APPLAUSE) President Barack Obama, came to office during an economic crisis, as he has reminded us a time or two. Those are very tough days. And any fair measure of his record has to take that into account. My own state voted for President Obama. When he talked about change, many people liked the sound of it. Especially in Janesville where we were about to lose a major factory. A lot of guys I went to high school with worked at that G.M. plant. Right there at that plant, candidate Obama said, ``I believe that if our government is there to support you, this plant will be here for another 100 years.'' That's what he said in 2008. Well, as it turned out, that plant didn't last another year. It is locked up and empty to this day. And that's how it is in so many towns where the recovery that was promised is no where in sight. Right now, 23 million men and women are struggling to find work. 23 million people unemployed or underemployed. Nearly one in six Americans is in poverty. Millions of young Americans have graduated from college during the Obama presidency, ready to use their gifts and get moving in life. Half of them can't find the work they studied for, or any work at all. So here's the question, without a change in leadership, why would the next four years be any different from the last four years? (APPLAUSE) The first troubling sign came with the stimulus. President Obama's first and best shot at fixing the economy. At a time when he got everything he wanted under one party rule. It cost $831 billion. The largest one-time expenditure ever by our federal government. It went to companies like Solyndra, with their gold-plated connections, subsidized jobs and make believe markets. The stimulus was a case of political patronage, corporate welfare anachronism at their worst. (APPLAUSE) You -- you the American people of this country were cut out of the deal. What did taxpayers get out of the Obama stimulus? More debt. That money wasn't just spent and wasted, it was borrowed, spent and wasted. (APPLAUSE) Maybe the greatest waste of all, was time. Here we were faced with a massive job crisis so deep that if everyone out of work stood in single file, that unemployment line would stretch the length of the entire American continent. You would think that any president, whatever his party, would make job creation and nothing else his first order of economic business, but this president didn't do that. Instead, we got a long, divisive, all or nothing attempt to put the federal government in charge of health care. (CROWD BOOS) Obama Care comes to more than 2,000 pages of rules, mandates, taxes, fees and fines that have no place in a free country. (APPLAUSE) That's right. That's right. You know what? The president has declared that the debate over government controlled health care is over. That will come as news to the millions of American who will elect Mitt Romney so we can repeal Obama Care. (APPLAUSE) And the biggest, coldest power play of all in Obama Care came at the expense of the elderly. You see, even with all the hidden taxes to pay for the health care takeover, even with the new law and new taxes on nearly a million small businesses, the planners in Washington still didn't have enough money; they needed more. They needed hundreds of billions more. So they just took it all away from Medicare, $716 billion funneled out of Medicare by President Obama. (CROWD BOOS) An obligation we have to our parents and grandparents is being sacrificed, all to pay for a new entitlement we didn't even ask for. (APPLAUSE) The greatest threat to Medicare is Obama Care and we're going to stop it. (APPLAUSE) In Congress, when they take out the heavy books and the wall charts about Medicare, my thoughts go back to a house on Garfield Street in Janesville. My wonderful grandma, Janet, had Alzheimer's and she moved in with mom and me. Though she felt lost at times, we did all the little things that made her feel loved. We had help from Medicare and it was there, just like it's there for my mom today. Medicare is a promise and we will honor it. A Romney-Ryan Administration with protect and strengthen Medicare for my mom's generation, for my generation and for my kids and yours. (APPLAUSE) So our opponents can consider themselves on notice. In this election, on this issue , the usual posturing on the Left isn't going to work. Mitt Romney and I know the difference between protecting a program and raiding it. Ladies and gentlemen, our nation needs this debate, we want this debate, we will win in this debate. (APPLAUSE) Obamacare, as much as anything else, explains why a presidency that began with such anticipation now comes to such a disappointing close. It began with a financial crisis. It ends with a job crisis. It began with a housing crisis they alone didn't cause. It ends with a housing crisis they didn't correct. (APPLAUSE) It began with a perfect AAA credit rating for the United States. It ends with the downgraded America . It all started off with stirring speeches, Greek columns, the thrill of something new. Now all that's left is a presidency adrift, surviving on slogans that already seem tired., grasping at the moment that has already passed, like a ship trying to sail on yesterday's wind. (APPLAUSE) You know, President Obama was asked not long ago to reflect on any mistakes he might have made. He said, ``Well, I haven't communicated enough.'' (LAUGHTER) He said his job is to, quote, ``tell a story to the American people''. As if that is the whole problem here? He needs to talk more and we need to be better listeners? (LAUGHTER) Ladies and gentlemen, these past four years, we have suffered no shortage of words in the White House. (APPLAUSE) What is missing is leadership in the White House. (APPLAUSE) And the story that Barack Obama does tell, forever shifting blame to the last administration, is getting old. The man assumed office almost four years ago. Isn't it about time he assumed responsibility? (APPLAUSE) In this generation, a defining responsibility of government is to steer our nation clear of a debt crisis while there is still time. Back in 2008, candidate Obama called a $10 trillion national debt unpatriotic. Serious talk from what looked like a serious reformer. By his own decisions, President Obama has added more debt than any other president before him. And more than all the troubled governments of Europe combined. One president, one term, $5 trillion in new debt. He created a new bipartisan debt commission. They came back with an urgent report. He thanks them, sent them on their way, and then did exactly nothing. AUDIENCE: Boo. RYAN: Republicans stepped up with good-faith reforms and solutions equal to the problems. How did the president respond? By doing nothing -- nothing except to dodge and demagogue the issue. So here we are, $16 trillion in debt and still he does nothing. In Europe, massive debts have put entire governments at risk of collapse, and still he does nothing. And all we have heard from this president and his team are attacks on anyone who dares to point out the obvious. They have no answer to this simple reality: We need to stop spending money we don't have. (APPLAUSE) Very simple. Not that hard. My Dad used to say to me: ``Son. You have a choice: You can be part of the problem, or you can be part of the solution.'' The present administration has made its choices. And Mitt Romney and I have made ours: Before the math and the momentum overwhelm us all, we are going to solve this nation's economic problems. (APPLAUSE) And I'm going to level with you: We don't have that much time. But if we are serious, and smart, and we lead, we can do this. After four years of government trying to divide up the wealth, we will get America creating wealth again. (APPLAUSE) With tax fairness and regulatory reform, we'll put government back on the side of the men and women who create jobs, and the men and women who need jobs. My Mom started a small business, and I've seen what it takes. Mom was 50 when my Dad died. She got on a bus every weekday for years, and rode 40 miles each morning to Madison. She earned a new degree and learned new skills to start her small business. It wasn't just a new livelihood. It was a new life. And it transformed my Mom from a widow in grief to a small businesswoman whose happiness wasn't just in the past. Her work gave her hope. It made our family proud. And to this day, my Mom is my role model. (APPLAUSE) Behind every small business, there's a story worth knowing. All the corner shops in our towns and cities, the restaurants, cleaners, gyms, hair salons, hardware stores, these didn't come out of nowhere. A lot of heart goes into each one. And if small business people say they made it on their own, all they are saying is that nobody else worked seven days a week in their place. Nobody showed up in their place to open the door at five in the morning. Nobody did their thinking, and worrying, and sweating for them. After all that work, and in a bad economy, it sure doesn't help to hear from their president that government gets the credit. What they deserve to hear is the truth: Yes, you did build that. (APPLAUSE) We have a plan for a stronger middle class, with the goal of generating 12 million new jobs over the next four years. (APPLAUSE) In a clean break -- in a clean break from the Obama years, and frankly from the years before this president, we will keep federal spending at 20 percent of GDP, or less. Because that is enough. (APPLAUSE) The choice -- the choice is whether to put hard limits on economic growth, or hard limits on the size of government, and we choose to limit government. (APPLAUSE) I learned a good deal about economics, and about America, from the author of the Reagan tax reforms, the great Jack Kemp. (APPLAUSE) What gave Jack that incredible enthusiasm was his belief in the possibilities of free people, in the power of free enterprise and strong communities to overcome poverty and despair. We need that same optimism right now. And in our dealings with other nations, a Romney-Ryan administration will speak with confidence and clarity. Whenever men and women rise up for their own freedom, they will know that the American president is on their side. (APPLAUSE) Instead -- instead of managing American decline, leaving allies to doubt us and adversaries to test us, we will act in the conviction that the United States is still the greatest force for peace and liberty that this world has ever known. (APPLAUSE) President Obama is the kind of politician who puts promises on the record, and then calls that the record. (LAUGHTER) But we are four years into this presidency. The issue is not the economy that Barack Obama inherited, not the economy as he envisions, but this economy that we are living. College graduates should not have to live out their 20s in their childhood bedrooms, staring up at fading Obama posters and wondering when they can move out and get going with life. (APPLAUSE) Everyone -- everyone who feels stuck in the Obama economy is right to focus on the here and now. And I hope you understand this too, if you're feeling left out or passed by: You have not failed, your leaders have failed you. (APPLAUSE) None of us -- none of us have to settle for the best this administration offers, a dull, adventureless journey from one entitlement to the next, a government-planned life, a country where everything is free but us. (APPLAUSE) Listen to the way we're already spoken to -- listen to the way we are spoken to already, as if everyone is stuck in some class or station in life, victims of circumstances beyond our control, with government there to help us cope with our fate. It's the exact opposite of everything I learned growing up in Wisconsin, or at college in Ohio. (APPLAUSE) Now when I was waiting tables, washing dishes, or mowing lawns for money, I never thought of myself as stuck in some station in life. I was on my own path, my own journey, an American journey, where I could think for myself, decide for myself, define happen as for myself. That is what we do in this country. That is the American dream. (APPLAUSE) That's freedom and I will take it any day over the supervision and sanctimony of the central planners. (APPLAUSE) The failures of one administration are not a mandate for a new administration. A challenger must stand on his own merits. He must be ready and worthy to serve in the office of president. We are a full generation apart, Governor Romney and I. And in some ways, we are different. There are the songs in his Ipod, which I have heard on the campaign bus... (LAUGHTER) ... and I have heard it on many hotel elevators. (LAUGHTER) He actually urged me to play some of these songs at campaign rallies. I said, ``look, I hope it is not a deal breaker Mitt, but my playlist starts with AC/DC and it ends with Zeppelin. (APPLAUSE) A generation apart -- a generation apart, but that does not matter. It makes us different but not in any of the things that matter. Mitt Romney and I both grew up in the Heartlands, and we know what places like Wisconsin and Michigan look like when times are good. (APPLAUSE) We know what these communities look like when times are good, when people are working, when families are doing more than just getting by, and we know it can be that way again. We have had very different careers, mainly in public service, his mostly in the private sector. He helped start businesses and turn around failing ones, and by the way being successful in business, that's a good thing. (APPLAUSE) Mitt -- Mitt has not only succeeded, but he has succeeded where others could not. He turned around the Olympics at a time when a great institution was collapsing under the weight of bad management, overspending and corruption. Sounds kind of familiar, doesn't it? (APPLAUSE) He was the Republican governor of a state where almost nine in 10 legislators are Democrats and yet he balanced the budget without raising taxes. Unemployment went down. Household incomes went up, and Massachusetts under Governor Mitt Romney saw its credit rating upgraded. (APPLAUSE) Mitt and I also go to different churches, but in any church, the best kind of preaching is done by example, and I've been watching that example. (APPLAUSE) The man who will accept your nomination is prayerful and faithful and honorable. Not only a defender of marriage, he offers an example of marriage at its best. Not only a fine businessman, he is a fine man, worthy of leading this optimistic and good-hearted country. Our faiths come together in the same moral creed. We believe that in every life, there is goodness, for every person there is hope. Each one of us was made for a reason, bearing the image and likeness of the lord of life. (APPLAUSE) RYAN: We have responsibilities, one to another. We do not each face the world alone. And the greatest of all responsibilities, is that of the strong to protect the weak. The truest measure of any society is how it treats those who cannot defend or care for themselves. (APPLAUSE) Each of these great moral ideas is essential to democratic government, to the rule of law, to life in a humane and decent society. They are the moral creed of our country, as powerful in our time, as on the day of America's founding. They are self-evident and unchanging, and sometimes, even presidents need reminding, that our rights come from nature and God, and not from government. (APPLAUSE) The founding generation secured those rights for us, and in every generation since, the best among us have defended our freedoms. They are protecting us right now. We honor them and all our veterans, and we thank them. (APPLAUSE) The right that makes all the difference now, is the right to choose our own leaders. And you are entitled to the clearest possible choice, because the time for choosing is drawing near. So here is our pledge. We will not duck the tough issues, we will lead. We will not spend the next four years blaming others, we will take responsibility. We will not try to replace our founding principles, we will reapply our founding principles. (APPLAUSE) The work ahead will be hard. These times demand the best of all of us -- all of us, but we can do this -- we can do this . Together, we can do this. We can get this country working again. We can get this economy growing again. We can make the safety net safe again. We can do this. Whatever your political party, let's come together for the sake of our country. Join Mitt Romney and me. Let's give this effort everything we have. Let's see this through all the way. Let's get this done. Thank you, and God bless. Condoleezza Rice Hits Obama On Foreign PolicyBy GREGORY J. KRIEG | ABC OTUS News – 2 hrs 12 mins ago
Condoleezza Rice never addressed President Obama by name, but the former secretary of state delivered a sharp rejection of his foreign policy tonight, charging that the White House had forsaken past and potential allies, leaving the world to wonder, "Where does America stand?" "When our friends and our foes, alike, do not know the answer to that question," she told the Republican National Convention, "the world is a chaotic and dangerous place." Rice picked up on a theme laid out earlier tonight by Sen. John McCain who warned that "if America doesn't lead, our adversaries will, and the world will grow darker, poorer and much more dangerous." Rice criticized the president for taking a backseat to NATO during the battle for Libya and not doing more to stop the bloodshed in Syria. "We cannot be reluctant to lead," Rice told fellow Republicans, who welcomed her to the stage with enthusiastic applause. "And you cannot lead from behind. Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan understand this reality, that our leadership abroad and our well-being at home are inextricably linked." "Our adversaries must have no reason to doubt our resolve because peace really does come through strength," said Rice, who was secretary of state in President George W. Bush's administration. Turning to concerns that a growing deficit could undermine American influence abroad, she focused on China. "Just consider this," she said. "The United States has ratified only three trade agreements in the last few years and those were negotiated in the Bush administration. China has signed 15 free trade agreements and is in the progress of negotiating as many as 18 more. Sadly we are abandoning the field of free and fair trade, and it will come back to haunt us." Working without a Teleprompter, Rice occasionally looked down at her notes, but mostly drove home her points with a fierce right hand. And her speech did not stop at the shoreline as she touched on domestic issues, lines that won her some of her evening's most raucous applause. "On a personal note, a little girl grows up in Jim Crow Birmingham, the most segregated big city in America," Rice said, talking about her childhood in Alabama. "Her parents can't take her to a movie theater or a restaurant, but they make her believe that even though she can't have a hamburger at the Woolworth's lunch counter she can be president of the United States -- and she becomes the Secretary of State." That dream, she said was in doubt, as economic dislocation crushes opportunity in areas hardest hit by the slow recovery. "Your greatest ally in controlling your response to your circumstance is in a quality education," Rice said. "Today, when I can look at your zip code and can tell whether you are going to get a good education. Can I really say that it doesn't matter where you came from? It matters where you are going. The crisis in K-12 education is a threat to the very fabric who we are." It is an issue Rice knows well from her time as provost at Stanford University, which she returned to in 2010 to work as a professor. RNC 2012: Condoleezza Rice delivers speech to Republican National Convention in Tampa (full text)
Former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice 's remarks Aug. 29 at the Republican National Convention in Tampa, Fla., as prepared for delivery:
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