[wanabidii] Kenya: State Is To Blame For Tana, Mombasa Chaos

Folks,     This is why leadership of Coalition Government has failed. They have no business to remain in power. They must honor responsibilities and be charged for not providing security as they swore to uphold. Judy Miriga Diaspora Spokesperson Executive Director Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc., USA http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com     --- On Thu, 8/30/12, chifu_wa_malindi <chifu2222@gmail.com> wrote:     From: chifu_wa_malindi <chifu2222@gmail.com> Subject: [Wananchi] Kenya: State Is To Blame For Tana, Mombasa Chaos To: Wananchi@yahoogroups.com Date: Thursday, August 30, 2012, 12:58 PM State Is To Blame For Tana, Mombasa Chaos THURSDAY, 30 AUGUST 2012 13:50 BY DAVID MAKALI The outbreak of quasi- political, inter-clan and ethnic conflict in northern parts of Kenya during August, as well as the religion-targeted violence in Mombasa is the result of government failure, pure and simple. The inertia and dithering by key security organs in responding to the situations lends credence to the charge that the government is complicit in the bloody chaos that have shattered returning calm and sent us back to the precipice of self destruction. The bloodbath in Wajir and Tana River, the attacks in Turkana, and the palpable tension turned religious in Mombasa were predicable going by the alarms raised by independent analysts and observers. South Consulting, which monitors the implementation of the National Accord signed after the 2008 post election violence, has warned severally against the slow pace of reforms and the potential threat to security and democratic elections. In its last report, released in May, for instance, the group flagged the inability to "detect election-related conflicts early to enable stakeholders respond early and effectively – including taking action to mitigate conflicts." It is not alone. There are multiple lobby groups, research and advocacy NGOs engaged in monitoring the countdown to the elections and "conflict mapping" that have raised the red flag but the government remains slow footed. These NGOs, including PeaceNet Kenya, which is a rapid response mechanism of the civil society and government agencies, have their ear to the ground and are often quicker in responding to threats than the government. What they lack are the coercive instruments of state needed for effective intervention. These groups have mapped out the hotspots in the country and their causes — and predictably violence has erupted in these areas. The northern Kenya violence, for example, was related to the recent demarcation of boundaries even though it can be traced back to traditional ethno-political rivalries and competition for resources. The fault lines of the boundaries disputes are still smoking despite the petitions being thrown out of court. Has the state been listening to the early warning signs and other intelligence of these advocacy groups besides its own in responding to the threats to peace? With conflicts proliferating everyday, security has to be the top priority for the government over anything else between now and the elections. Yet it is obvious that state security machinery is overstretched by the demand for peacekeeping, peace building and conflict prevention. The resources at the disposal of the security agencies in performing their tasks, apart from the NSIS, are meager. It may well be that citizens take a more proactive role in their own security – whatever happened to community policing? - and the state's role is reduced to that of a back-up or consultant if peace and order are to prevail. But that cannot happen if the state is not responsive and honest in its dealings. Thus far, there is overwhelming evidence that the state's effectiveness in providing security or responding to situations is hamstrung by vested interests and less-than-good considerations. The swiftness and independence expected of the police is missing. Yet the delayed appointment of new inspector general of police, hyped and politicized as it has been, is unlikely to cure this failure. With barely four months to the most complex election ever, a new command for the Police will be under pressure to deliver on such high expectations that it will automatically disappoint. The likely consequence is a blame game and worse chaos. In the circumstances, interim transitional measures must be conceived now to revitalize the police force as is to enable them perform their duties through the forthcoming elections. The operative word here is independence. And that onus rests on President Kibaki who must show some leadership and save this country from another bloodbath under his watch. It begs reason why Kibaki would submit nominees for the police service commission that are clearly unqualified according to the constitution when he has at his disposal the competent advice of the Attorney General? Why does the president serially flout the constitution by making unlawful appointments or defying the courts? Why is his administration unable to enforce the law and protect the citizens? The assassination of Sheikh Aboud Rogo, suspected of terrorist links, that triggered the unprecedented Mombasa riots, is symptomatic of the failed rule of law in Kibaki's administration. The government's record of handling citizens alleged to be associated with terrorist activities is appalling. From renditions foreign jails to mysterious deaths, it would seem that Kenya's security operations are an appendage of alien forces. That track record lends credence to claims of state complicity in the heinous murder. Worse could happen that would put paid the bid for peaceful and credible election that began with the lighting of the peace torch this week at Bomas of Kenya. Tensions in other regions could snap into similar chaotic expressions as the Mombasa demonstrations if the state does not appear even-handed in the treatment of its citizens. The state must demonstrate equity in its policies, resource distribution and law enforcement. That's the essence of the new constitutional order.

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