JaGem, As you can see, what people of Rwanda and Congo in the African Village are saying is that, Kagame killed President Juvenal Habyrimana who is a Hutu. From there the massacre of Rwanda went full scale. The Rwandese, Hutu Vs. Tutsi killing one another free for all fight. Some ran to Congo both Hutus and Tutsis and settled in the Congolese land, as wakimbizi Refugees; then Kagame was helped by his families and friends who include Museveni and from the west to gain power in Rwanda.
Here the agenda through which they were to begin building Rwanda was through the use Congo's wealth and resources of Congo where to some extend Kagame enrich himself. It is here that Rwandan soldiers committed crimes of genocide in the DR Congo between 1993 - 2003? The draft report makes allegations of genocide committed in the DR Congo over various phases since 1993...... If such a crime is alleged to have been committed by Rwandan soldiers against other people, why not at least investigate and bring to book the responsible Rwandan, why Rwanda in Congo ....... with whose authority ???
That he did from a conspiracy with his friends, they created a plan to steal wealth and resources from Congo through killing and mercilessly destroying livelihood and survival of Congolese using sophisticated weaponry sent to him by his wealthy friends in the west........Now they have grown horns and are spreading to occupy the whole of East Africa from Congo........
Now that Bosco is in the ICC Hague, we believe he will be called as a witness and this is the madiaba and butterfly going through his stomach. It is because M23 was the weapon he was using to police ad protect his refugee people who are the Tutsi in the Congo and altogether wage wars with inside Congo to weaken and destroy Congolese; while on the other side he is busy looting Congolese wealth and resources and doing business with the same with his friends overseas........
Watch this ..........
1) Where did he get all the Gold, Diamond and Coltan he was selling and trading with to the west
2) How was he paying back what he stole from the Congolese
3) Why would he have so much interest in the Republic of Congo
4) Why would he want to protect and form policing Rebel groups in side the Congo and finance and supply weaponry to M23 in Congo and why would he be interested and negotiate for leadership in M23 terror group......and where did the M23 get the power to demand part of Congo owning part of its territory......???
5) Why would Kagame keep Bosco under house arrest and later finally release him to go to the American Embassy in Rwanda 6) If Bosco was able to surrender in Rwanda, what was he doing in Congo
7) Why would he plan for a Refugee Tutsi leader inside Republic of Congo to take leadership of Congo government
This and many other are questions that need clearance and answere and that they are the test of eating the pudding.
Why do you think General Kagame and RPF are afraid of talks and negotiate fairly? It is because the outcomes would call to hold RPF and Kagame of genocide crimes where Kagame was responsible for perpetrated massacres in both Rwanda and Congo and where FDLR are among victims in 1990. The Interahamwes are scared of facing relatives of people they hacked and cut their necks with machetes, Kagame and Inkotanyi are haunted by the idea of facing relatives of people whose skulls were crushed by their hoes (jembes).
It was that brutal……..(The Ntarahamwe are the Hutu militia enjoyed the backing of the Hutu-led government leading up to, during, and after the Rwandan Genocide. Since the genocide, they have been forced out of Rwanda, and have sought asylum in Congo. They are currently a terrorist group hiding in the Congo and the Ugandan forest. While still in action, they despised the Tutsis so much that they often referred to them as cockroaches, or inyenzi in Kinyarwanda) THEN (A Tutsi-led army by KAGAME ended the massacres by seizing power and driving the Hutu extremists out of Rwanda)…….You do not follow your enemy into another country to fight them if instead your interest is destroying your neighbor's country and their people in Congo.
This puts Kagame in a Regional dispute of discriminatory dictatorship of holding Rwandans in Congo as their hostages suffocating democracy in Congo for their selfish and greed to loot and steal Congolese wealth and resources....... which is why, Kikwete was right to throw some light to Kagame.
Friends of Kagame are interested in the whole of East Africa.......which is why there was a conspiracy to do the same in 2007/8 in Kenya. They want the piece of land from Kenya in the Greater Luo Nyanza and in Mombasa. It is the reason Museveni took Migingo with Kibaki and Raila's blessings and now he is demanding Mombasa Port trying to deliver to the same foreign master.
The fight in East Africa is not for nothing. It is the selfish greed that begun in Rwanda and it should not be taken for granted.
The same Rwandese of Tutsi occupying Congo land are the same Rwandese Tutsi negotiating in Kenya to take over the whole of South Nyanza and Nyakach region including the whole of Siaya. It has been strategically planned with investors from Canada and South Africa meant to fool the intelligence. OTO is not parrading Western and the Luo Nyanza for nothing, it started with clean-up joint strategy meeting with Kagame and Museveni for clean-up...... what are they cleaning up, people??? again this is meant to fool people........Our lands are a target and it is time we must speak up and expose everyone. These are the reason why 2,000 families in South Nyanza were evicted from their homes to pave ways for the unscrupulous investments of Kagame and Museveni masters.........we are not fools........and we are tired!!!
When the truth emerges, justice is demand that fairness is implemented. This might include asking Rwandese of Tutsi in Congo as Refugees to go back and help their development in Rwanda and not from Congo. Kagame is not confortable to face reality and he knows too well that RPF are the obstacle to durable sustainable solution to the basic problem inside Congo and in its neighbourhood ......... Now they have grown horns and are spreading to occupy the whole of East Africa from Congo........our villages have been targeted and we are victims of loosing our families who are being killed with mysterious tricks and with funny kwack doctors spraying incecticides in the village homes.........My mother and brother are victims in the village......and the idea is so people can die quickly to give way for funny investors to take our lands.......We must go to who is selling us out...........If it is OTO we want him investigated and know who is behind him.........even at the rate of our rich people dying is very funny......then their money in the bank vanish very mysteriously.......who is after our peoples money.......what about the very recent one......that of Mutula, is there some resemblence??? ......... is his money still in the bank????
Why are the true victims who truely commit and engage in organizing thugs to engage in Criminal activities against Human Rights and violating every sense of dignity and abuse are left scott-free......???
I am beginning to question myself.........Is Uhuru and Ruto the real culprits who engaged in Clean-up of human beings in East Africa from the earth ??? Are they the ones incharge at the time holding full responsibilities or were they the perpetrators of genocide ??? If so, did they do it alone???
We need some light here............We need interrogative investigation of Jicho Pevu to do some evidence gathering for us because we cannot allow to be fooled........???
The time has come where everyone must carry their own cross.........it is because, we cannot afford politics in the conspiracy of finishing people.........it is unacceptable.......something tells me that there is something very wrong.........with people we believe and trust.........
Judy Miriga Diaspora Spokesperson Executive Director Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc., USA http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda answers your questions on Bosco Ntaganda and Kenyan cases Published on Mar 22, 2013 International Criminal Court Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda says it's a good day for victims in the Democratic Republic of Congo - after the transfer of rebel leader Bosco Ntaganda to the Hague and earlier this week we saw efforts by lawyers of Kenya's president-elect, Uhuru Kenyatta, to have his ICC case reviewed. And there've been questions over the witnesses in the cases relating to Kenya's post-election violence in early 2008. In an exclusive interview with the BBC's Anna Holligan - the ICC Prosecutor began by explaining the significance of Ntaganda's surrender - for the Congolese people. BBC HARDtalk - Paul Kagame - President of Rwanda (13/7/12) Published on Aug 3, 2012 Is Rwanda's president Paul Kagame in serious danger of losing the international community's goodwill for a country still haunted by the ghosts of genocide? He has been accused of autocratic behaviour and of being unrealistic about the prospects for the economic transformation of Rwanda. Perhaps most damagingly, a recent UN report claims that the Rwandan government is breaking UN sanctions by backing rebels in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo. Zeinab Badawi talks to President Paul Kagame: can he reclaim his reputation as a bold and visionary leader or is he destined to go down as another African strongman who failed to live up to expectations? ICC asked to prosecute Rwanda's Kagame Published on Aug 17, 2012 Opponents of Rwanda's long-time President Paul Kagame asked the International Criminal Court Friday to pursue him over war crimes committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo this year. A spokeswoman for the ICC prosecutor's office confirmed it had received a request to prosecute Kagame but stressed the court handled "hundreds" of similar communications a year with equal treatment. In June UN experts in a report accused Kagame of supporting with arms and ammunition rebels of the March 23 (M23) movement, which is fighting government troops in the DR Congo. Kigali has denied the charge. M23 has been fighting the Congolese army since April after a mutiny was spurred by Tutsi army general Bosco Ntaganda, nicknamed "The Terminator", against whom the ICC issued a fresh arrest warrant last month. "We are asking the prosecutor to indict Paul Kagame," said Nkiko Nsengimana, a coordinator of Rwanda's United Democratic Forces (FDU) party. The FDU is the party of opposition leader Victoire Ingabire and is not recognised by Kigali. Close to 100 protesters gathered outside the ICC's heavily-fortified building in The Hague where they chanted slogans such as "Kagame, assassin!" and "Kagame under arrest". "The M23 is simply a Rwandan army," Nsengimana added, calling Kagame "its supreme leader". Lawyer Christopher Black said the request to prosecute Kagame for war crimes committed since March was filed on behalf of the FDU and a second opposition group, the Rwandan National Congress. Black said Kagame charges against Kagame should include M23's alleged use of child soldiers. Meanwhile, Kinshasa this month also claimed Rwanda was backing the rebels and added it would refuse to negotiate with the M23, who are drawn from an earlier rebel movement integrated into the Congolese army in 2009. The rebels claim Kinshasa failed to honour the 2009 peace deal. Spokeswoman for Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda's office Florence Olara acknowledged receipt of the request Friday, saying "we will analyse the information received as we do with all... communications to the Prosecutor." But she added: "We receive hundreds of such communications every year from all types of sources relating to the situations we investigate as well as others and we treat all of them equally." The ICC is the world's first permanent tribunal, set up in 2002 to deal with the most serious crimes of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. It has issued several arrest warrants relating to the conflict in the eastern DR Congo, including against militia leader Thomas Lubanga, who was sentenced to 14 years in jail on July 10 for using child soldiers in his rebel army. Ntaganda however, remained at large. Rebel leader Bosco Ntaganda surrenders in Rwanda One of Africa's most wanted warlords has surrendered. Rwandan-born Bosco Ntaganda led a faction of the M23 rebels in DR Congo, and has been on the run for a year. Any WARLORD watching this.... This is your fate for crimes against humanity since the ICC set up in 2005 !!! Presidents Kagame, Museveni hold joint press conference- Kampala, 27 January 2012 Uploaded on Feb 9, 2012 No description available. On the Spot Interview with Paul Kagame seg 1 Published on Mar 9, 2012 http://www.ntvuganda.co.ug/ PAUL KAGAME KILLED PRESIDENT JUVENAL HABYARIMANA CIUT radio - Canada Part1 Part 1 Part 2 Uploaded on Oct 7, 2011 A former ally of Rwandan President Paul Kagame has accused him of complicity in the death of a former president which sparked the 1994 genocide. UN Sanctioned Congo "Intervention Brigades" Complement US Africa Strategy Published on Apr 24, 2013 Maurice Carney: 3,000 member force intervention will further militarize Congo; US has power to sanction rebel-backers Rwanda and Uganda, but will not because they are allies in American AFRICOM strategy Complete News - M23 rebels begin withdrawal to Sake Published on Apr 20, 2013 http://www.youtube.com/CompleteNews Why did Rwandan War Lord Accused of Crimes in Congo, Give Himself Up to the Published on Apr 16, 2013 Maurice Carney: Rwanda hands over one warlord to ICC and props up others as it continues plunder of Congo's resources Neocolonialism in Africa http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c9jXO1rZP40 Published on Feb 3, 2013 Europe and America are trying to find a way out of their economic crisis by continuing more austerity. Our reporter asks whether Americans should have the right to carry personal nuclear weapons. We talk to former UK ambassador to Algeria, Graham Hand, about the foreign policy of western powers in resource rich Africa. These and much more are all reviewed in this edition of Double Standards with Afshin Rattansi. US Covers Up Rwanda Supported Mutiny in Congo Published on Jun 26, 2012 Maurice Carney: American ally Rwanda supports rebel troops in Congo Maurice Carney interviewed by Democracy Now! (1 of 3) Uploaded on Nov 13, 2008 No description available. Congo is worst conflict since WWII-corporations make $$$-2/2 Uploaded on Jan 24, 2008 Corporations Reaping Millions as Congo Suffers Deadliest Conflict Since World War II Now this !!!!
M23 Political Leader Bertrand Bisimwa's letter to Ban Ki MoonBunagana, May 22nd 2013 Réf : 027/Prés-M23/2013 RE: Actual situation in the Eastern part of DRC To the UN Secretary General New York Your Excellency, We are once again honored to write to you about the situation that is taking place in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The military operations which are taking over in the surrounding of Goma are a result of Congolese army working together with his allies FDLR and MAI-MAI armed groups attacking the M23 positions from Monday 20th may, 2013 at 4:30 am. We would like to see this military hostilities being stopped on both sides as it appears in our letter of 1st May, 2013 addressed to his Excellency MUSEVENI KAGUTA, President of the Republic of Uganda, Mediator of the Kampala peace talks and President of ICGLR, requesting for bilateral cease fire as shows our attached letter. Unfortunately the DRC government consider the Kampala negotiations as an opportunity for a delay, in order to obtain the UN resolution for a militarist option. We again express our political will to have a bilateral cease fire agreement to bring peace to our people and allow the political dialogue to take over. We want this framework to deal with root causes of this conflict rather than a simple treatment of symptoms as it was recommended by H.E OLOUSSEGUN OBASANJO your Special Envoy in this very matter in the year 2008 – 2009. We stay convinced that war will never bring sustainable peace in the DRC and want to assure you, that we believe that, the presence of the UN Mission in DRC remains an opportunity in our quest for peace . Hoping that our correspondence will take your attention, we thank you anticipatively. Respectfully Bertrand BISIMWA CC: - Permanent Members of the Security Council - President of the African Union - Heads of State of the CIRGL - Embassies M23 Leader Bertrand Bisimwa's letter to Mary ROBINSONBunagana, May 22nd, 2013 Réf : 026/PRES-M23/2013 To the attention of Her Excellency Mary ROBINSON, UN Secretary General Special Envoy in the Great Lakes Region Re: Actual situation in the Eastern of DRC Your Excellency, We are once again honored to write to you about the situation that is taking place in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The military operations which are taking over in the surrounding of Goma are a result of Congolese army working together with his allies FDLR and MAI-MAI armed groups attacking the M23 positions from Monday 20th may, 2013 at 4:30 am. This situation is disturbing the political peace process which was proned by the framework agreement of Addis Ababa of February 24th 2013, the true way for solution in the DRC crisis and even complicates the Kampala negotiations in which we did and do still build our hope. We would like to see this military hostilities being stopped on both sides as it appears in our letter of 1st May, 2013 addressed to his Excellency MUSEVENI KAGUTA, President of the Republic of Uganda, Mediator of the Kampala peace talks and President of ICGLR, requesting for bilateral cease fire between us and the Government of the DRC. Unfortunately the DRC government consider the Kampala negotiations as an opportunity for a delay, in order to obtain the UN resolution for a militarist option. We remain believing that war will never bring sustainable peace in the DRC. We highly thank you, Excellency, as you endeavour to bring peace in our region through the political solution rather than war. Hoping that our correspondence will take your attention, we thank you anticipatively. Respectfully Bertrand BISIMWA CC: - UN Secretary General - Permanent Members of the Security Council - President of the African Union - Heads of State of the CIRGL - Embassies M23 letter To Yoweri Museveni Kaguta President of UgandaBunagana, May 1st, 2013 Réf : 021/Prés-M23/2013 To His Excellency YOWERI MUSEVENI KAGUTA, President of Republic of Uganda, Chairman of the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region "ICGLR" and Mediator of the negotiations between the DRC government and M23 Re: Ceasefire Agreement Your Excellency, Mr President, We, at M23, are honored to inform you that we still have hope in peace through the negotiations taking place in Kampala. Since December, 2012 on the request of the international community represented by the International Conference of Great Lakes Region, we submitted ourselves to all requests from the ICGLR, for instance we withdrew from Goma while we were militarily stronger than the DRC Army and we signed the unilateral ceasefire while the DRC government refused to do so. We maintained our military positions as it was requested and we humbly accepted all the demands which allowed the progress in the negotiations today, it's during the Kampala negotiations period that the DRC government went to the UN seeking for the resolution 2098. At this moment while we are still in negotiations, the DRC Army in coalition with the FDLR have left their positions, crossed over and took our positions in Mabenga. Others came from Tongo through the Virunga national Park where they are preparing to attack ours positions in Rutshuru territory. In Kanyarutshina, the DRC Army in coalition with MONUSCO peace keepers took our positions, which consequently shows that the DRC government is preparing war against us. This is why we at M23, are requesting to the DRC government to sign the ceasefire agreement and to release all our members kept in prison in Kinshasa as a proof of willingness to pursue with negotiations. We are convinced that the ceasefire agreement will bring in the end of the war and allow peaceful negotiations to take place. We believe that the efforts made by the mediator and the ICGLR would not be taken in vain by the DRC government and we thank you for all. Respectfully Bertrand BISIMWA CC: - Heads of States of ICGLR; - His Excellence The Facilitator of Talks between M23 and The DRC's Government; GOMA – RDC : Une tragédie à l'horizon Des soldats de parade, aussi remarquables les jours de défilé qu'inaptes sous le feu. Qu'il s'agisse d'une escarmouche due à des raisons plus ou moins futiles -la gestion d'une source-, ou d'un accrochage plus sérieux qui pourrait mettre fin à cinq mois d'une trêve de facto, les combats qui ont opposée hier les soldats du M23 aux troupes gouvernementales et aux rebelles hutu rwandais des FDLR, leurs alliés, autour de l'abreuvoir de Mutaho -à une dizaine de kilomètres de Goma, dans l'Est de la RDC- préfigurent certainement une partie du scénario pour les semaines à venir. Lorsque la Brigade d'intervention de la MONUSCO, mise en place par la résolution 2098 du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU pour « neutraliser » les forces de l'Armée Révolutionnaire Congolaise, branche militaire du M23, sera prête à agir, il suffira un épisode déclencheur comme celui de Mutaho -une offensive conjointe FARDC-FDLR contre les positions de l'ARC et la riposte, quoique contenue, de cette dernière- pour susciter l'intervention sur le terrain de la nouvelle unité spéciale onusienne sous commandement d'un général tanzanien. Celle-ci ne se limitera pas, par conséquent, à exercer une fonction de dissuasion mais se déploiera en ordre de combat face aux troupes du général Sultani Makenga, chef militaire du M23. Dans cette perspective d'« affrontement final » contre la « révolution congolaise » du M23, se consomme tristement la dérive des Nations Unies qui abdiquent leur rôle fondateur de partenariat mondial pour la paix pour se muer en force d'agression contre toute forme de résistance au nouvel ordre planétaire établi par les grandes puissances. Un ordre qui exige un pouvoir faible et prédateur en RDC avec Joseph Kabila à la tête de l'Etat et qui sera à tout prix défendu, même au risque d'embraser à nouveau la sous région. Ainsi, l'alliance qui se profile dans les collines et les jungles du Kivu entre Casques Blues, FARDC et FDLR signe -dans la collusion théoriquement contre nature entre une mission de paix devenue mission de guerre et des forces génocidaires- l'arrêt de mort de l'ONU en tant que régulateur impartial des conflits et la perte définitive de sa légitimation en tant qu'agent de paix. Mais les événements de Mutaho nous apprennent une deuxième leçon. La provocation orchestrée par Kabila à la veille de la visite du Secrétaire général des NU à Kinshasa montre jusqu'à quel point le locataire du Palais de la Nation se sent conforté par ses parrains internationaux. Ceux-ci feront probablement mine de critiquer son inaction face aux engagements pris dans l'accord-cadre d'Addis-Abeba. Mais ils sont en réalité les derniers à être intéressés à un véritable processus de réformes en RDC, qui dote par exemple ce géant d'Afrique centrale d'une armée en mesure de faire respecter sa souveraineté nationale et d'un pouvoir capable d'en assurer le développement et de garantir le bien être de ses populations. Pourtant, et avant qu'il ne soit pas trop tard, il faut au moins que les Etats de la sous région prennent la mesure des conséquences de l'intervention de la Brigade onusienne. Car tous ne resteront pas les bras croisés devant le nettoyage ethnique et l'extermination des communautés banyarwanda dans le Nord Kivu. Luigi Elongui Translated in English: Whether it's a skirmish due to reasons more or less trivial-managing a source-or a more serious clash that could end in five months a de facto truce, fighting who opposed yesterday soldiers M23 government troops and Rwandan Hutu FDLR rebels, allies around the trough Mutaho to ten kilometers from Goma, in eastern DRC, certainly foreshadow some scenario for the coming weeks. When the Intervention Brigade of MONUSCO, established by resolution 2098 of the Security Council of the UN to "neutralize" the forces of the Congolese Revolutionary Army, the military wing of the M23 will be ready to act, simply a trigger episode like Mutaho-joint FARDC-FDLR offensive against the positions of the CRA and the response, although contained, this latest addition to spark action on the ground of the new UN special unit under the command of a Tanzanian general. This will not be limited, therefore, to exert a deterrent but will deploy in battle order against the troops of General Sultani Makenga military leader M23. In this perspective of "final battle" against the "Congolese revolution" of the M23, is sadly consumes drift UN abdicate their role founder of Global Partnership for Peace to turn into an aggressive force against any form of resistance the new world order established by the great powers. An order requiring low power and predator in the DRC with Joseph Kabila as head of state and will be defended at any cost, even at the risk of flare again the subregion. Thus, the alliance looming in the hills and jungles of Kivu between Helmets Blues, FARDC and FDLR sign-in collusion against theoretically kind between a peacekeeping mission to become war-forces genocidal death sentence UN as an impartial regulator of conflict and the final loss of its legitimacy as an agent of peace. But the events of Mutaho we learn a second lesson. Provocation orchestrated by Kabila on the eve of the visit of the UN Secretary General in Kinshasa shows how much the tenant of the Palace of the Nation feels buoyed by its international sponsors. They probably do mine to criticize his inaction on commitments made in the framework agreement in Addis Ababa. But in reality they are the last to be interested in a genuine process of reform in the DRC, which endows eg the giant Central African army in a position to enforce its national sovereignty and a power capable of ensure the development and ensure the welfare of its people. Yet, before it is too late, we need at least the countries of the sub region are measuring the impact of the intervention of the UN Brigade. Because all will not stand idly by ethnic cleansing and extermination of Banyarwanda in North Kivu communities. RDC: Le viol est utilisé comme une arme de guerre El Memey Murangwa Par El Memey Murangwa On aura tout vu dans ce pays qui par ses richesses fabuleuses devait devenir un paradis. Hélas ! Les guerres se succèdent emportant avec elles la joie des pauvres habitants qui ne savent à quels dieux confier leur désespoir. Impayés depuis belles lurettes, ceux qui sont commis à la protection des personnes et de leurs biens dévalisent, rançonnent, et sèment la mort. La femme paie le prix fort de cette escalade de violence. Première nourricière de la famille depuis que l'emploi est devenu une denrée rare dans ce pays aux immenses terres arables, elle se réveille au grand matin, traverse la forêt dense pour aller au champ pour qu'au retour elle puisse bien nourrir sa maisonnée. Le plus souvent elle rentre en pleurs après avoir subi un traitement humiliant de la part des hommes en armes qui s'accaparent d'une grande partie de sa récolte et la viole à tour de rôle. Ces véreux n'hésitent même pas à faire de même sur la mineure d'âge qui accompagne sa maman. De retour au village déserté par les hommes, elle est souvent accueillie par des lamentations provenant des vieilles mères qui maudissent les porteurs d'armes qui n'ont pas eu froid aux yeux en découvrant la nudité de ces personnes qui dans un passé récent avaient le respect de toutes les générations. Au Congo dit démocratique, l'état a cessé d'exister depuis une vingtaine d'années, dans les provinces des hommes en armes s'imposent et commettent l'arbitraire sur une population paupérisée par des dictatures successives. Les intellectuels et les jeunes valides se réfugient dans les pays voisins en attendant de sauter sur la première possibilité de se rendre en occident pour une vie meilleure. Dans cette tragédie, le gouvernement reste silencieux. Au lieu de s'attaquer à ceux qui violent, les tenants du pouvoir autocratique ne s'intéressent qu'à ceux qui menacent le régime pendant que le viol continu de faire son chemin. Déshumanisé, les hommes abandonnent les femmes violés condamnant leurs progénitures à un avenir incertain. Les enfants nés de ces ignobles actes deviennent des enfants de la rue et constituent une pépinière qui très vite produit des violeurs impénitents. Au Congo le viol est devenue une arme de guerre, les victimes sont tenues en haleine par une armée d'inciviques qui étendent leurs autorités sur des espaces pouvant contribuer au développement de la nation congolaise. La presse en parle timidement, les confessions religieuses fustigent ce comportement inhumain dans les églises mais n'osent pas interpeller les tenants du pouvoir sur cette question. La presse internationale en parle peu et justifie-le manque d'information par l'inaccessibilité des zones en guerre. Une guerre étrange qui détruit les valeurs humaines et qui contribue à l'émergence d'une génération sans cœur. Une guerre qui véhicule les maladies honteuses et les germes de la mort. Une guerre qui déstabilise la famille, matrice et cellule de toute nation. Qui donc délivrera le Congo de ce fardeau ? La solution ne viendra sans doute pas de la Banque mondiale, ni de l'ONU, mais celle-ci doit venir du Congolais qui doit d'abord prendre conscience de sa condition actuelle et apprendre le plus vite possible à se prendre en charge. © VirungaNews Translated in English: DRC: Rape is used as a weapon of war May 23 El Memey Murangwa El Memey Murangwa We've seen everything in this country by his fabulous wealth had become a paradise. Alas! Successive wars with them, the joy of the poor people who know what gods entrust their despair. Unpaid for beautiful Lurettes, those who are committed to the protection of persons and property rob, extort and cause death. The woman pays a high price for the escalating violence. First foster family since employment has become a rare commodity in this country with huge arable land, she wakes up in the morning, through the dense forest to the field for the return it could well feed his household. Most often it comes in tears after suffering a humiliating treatment by armed men who seized a large part of his harvest and raped in turn. These crooked not even hesitate to do the same on the age minor who accompanies his mother. Back in the village deserted by men, it is often greeted by wailing from old mothers who curse weapon bearers who have not had cold eyes discovering the nakedness of those who had in the recent past the respect for all generations. Said Democratic Congo, the state has ceased to exist for twenty years in the provinces of armed men impose arbitrary and commit a pauperized population by successive dictatorships. Intellectuals and young disabled seek refuge in neighboring countries waiting to jump on the first opportunity to go to the West for a better life. In this tragedy, the government remains silent. Instead of going after those who violate the supporters of autocratic power are only interested in those who threaten the regime while continuing to rape his way. Dehumanized men leaving women violated condemning their offspring to an uncertain future. Children born to these despicable acts become street children and provide a nursery that quickly produces unrepentant rapists. Congo rape has become a weapon of war, victims are held spellbound by an uncivil army authorities to extend their spaces may contribute to the development of the Congolese nation. The press speaks timidly faiths criticize this inhuman behavior in churches but dare not challenge those in power on this issue. The international press spoke little and justify the information by the inaccessibility of war zones lacking. A strange war that destroys human values and contributes to the emergence of a generation without heart. A war that vehicle shameful disease and germs of death. A war which destabilizes the family matrix and cell nation. Who will deliver the Congo this burden? The solution will probably not be the World Bank or the UN, but it must come from the Congolese must first become aware of his present condition and learn as fast as possible to take care of. Paul Kagame: I asked America to kill Congo rebel leader with droneIn an exclusive interview with Chris McGreal in Kigali, Rwanda's president denies backing an accused Congolese war criminal and says challenge to senior US official proves his innocence
 A new M23 recruit demonstrates his martial arts skills in the Democratic Republic of the Congo last week. Rwanda denies aiding them. Photograph: James Akena/Reuters Rwanda's president, Paul Kagame, has rejected accusations from Washington that he was supporting a rebel leader and accused war criminal in the Democratic Republic of the Congo by challenging a senior US official to send a drone to kill the wanted man. In an interview with the Observer Magazine, Kagame said that on a visit to Washington in March he came under pressure from the US assistant secretary of state for Africa, Johnnie Carson, to arrest Bosco Ntaganda, leader of the M23 rebels, who was wanted by the international criminal court (ICC). The US administration was increasing pressure on Kagame following a UN report claiming to have uncovered evidence showing that the Rwandan military provided weapons and other support to Ntaganda, whose forces briefly seized control of the region's main city, Goma. "I told him: 'Assistant secretary of state, you support [the UN peacekeeping force] in the Congo. Such a big force, so much money. Have you failed to use that force to arrest whoever you want to arrest in Congo? Now you are turning to me, you are turning to Rwanda?'" he said. "I said that, since you are used to sending drones and gunning people down, why don't you send a drone and get rid of him and stop this nonsense? And he just laughed. I told him: 'I'm serious'." Kagame said that, after he returned to Rwanda, Carson kept up the pressure with a letter demanding that he act against Ntaganda. Days later, the M23 leader appeared at the US embassy in Rwanda's capital, Kigali, saying that he wanted to surrender to the ICC. He was transferred to The Hague. The Rwandan leadership denies any prior knowledge of Ntaganda's decision to hand himself over. It suggests he was facing a rebellion within M23 and feared for his safety. But Kagame's confrontation with Carson reflects how much relationships with even close allies have deteriorated over allegations that Rwanda continues to play a part in the bloodletting in Congo. The US and Britain, Rwanda's largest bilateral aid donors, withheld financial assistance, as did the EU, prompting accusations of betrayal by Rwandan officials. The political impact added impetus to a government campaign to condition the population to become more self-reliant. Kagame is angered by the moves and criticisms of his human rights record in Rwanda, including allegations that he blocks opponents by misusing laws banning hate speech to accuse them of promoting genocide and suppresses press criticism. The Rwandan president is also embittered that countries, led by the US and UK, that blocked intervention to stop the 1994 genocide, and France which sided with the Hutu extremist regime that led the killings, are now judging him on human rights. "We don't live our lives or we don't deal with our affairs more from the dictates from outside than from the dictates of our own situation and conditions," Kagame said. "The outside viewpoint, sometimes you don't know what it is. It keeps changing. They tell you they want you to respect this or fight this and you are doing it and they say you're not doing it the right way. They keep shifting goalposts and interpreting things about us or what we are doing to suit the moment." He is agitated about what he sees as Rwanda being held responsible for all the ills of Congo, when Kigali's military intervention began in 1996 to clear out Hutu extremists using UN-funded refugee camps for raids to murder Tutsis. Kagame said that Rwanda was not responsible for the situation after decades of western colonisation and backing for the Mobutu dictatorship. The Rwandan leader denies supporting M23 and said he has been falsely accused because Congo's president, Joseph Kabila, needs someone to blame because his army cannot fight. "To defeat these fellows doesn't take bravery because they don't go to fight. They just hear bullets and are on the loose running anywhere, looting, raping and doing anything. That's what happened," he said. "President Kabila and the government had made statements about how this issue is going to be contained. They had to look for an explanation for how they were being defeated. They said we are not fighting [Ntaganda], we're actually fighting Rwanda." Mali and the Second Scramble for Africa http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hnnh1RkwHRE Published on Mar 20, 2013 Pressfortruth.ca correspondent Tyrone Drummond takes a closer look at the ongoing situation in Mali with sociologist, former Canadian Soldier, and author of the book: Globalization of Nato, Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya. Follow Tyrone Drummond on social media Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/pages/Ottawa... Twitter: https://twitter.com/ottawafro Follow Press For Truth on social media: SR 42 Bilderberg - Bill Still.mov Published on May 20, 2012 The Bilderberg 2012 meeting will be near our studios in Chantilly, Virginia this year. Our investigative team went down the road to give you a look at the site before security closed it down. This message is for the Bilderberg members explaining why their solution is ultimately doomed to failure. Good job on addressing the BB Group, Bill. One thing would suggest is that European Nationalism is not necessarily bad, as there are many other examples of balanced European Nationalism. Socrates, Plato, Cato the Elder, Cicero, Voltaire, Frederick the Great are all examples of good and enlightened Nationalists. The problem is when nationalism is mixed with ethnic or racial superiority, IMHO. Even Gandhi is by definition a Nationalist and comes from the European education system. Torin. Well well well, we will get global control of the world population. We will eliminate 6,000,000,000 people leaving only us and half a billion servents. After all, resourses are running out. If you had the means would you want to share the world real estate with the likes of you. Think of it as a purge that will allow a better crop of human beings to live in utopian bliss. You ignorant savages, you believe that the Son of God will return and with a sword. More cabernet, waiter. these Inbred rulers whom rule our world , steaing our money ruining our food with GMO whom the Monsanto scientists creating this poison food make sure they eat all pure organic non gmo foods in their cafeterias must be stopped , wake up and realize they are the enemy and ruining our Country and our World . Wake up and spread the word before we are all in concentration camps they admit now are here for us to be put in . Fearing M23, Hundreds of Congolese Flee to UgandaBy AFP Posted Saturday, May 11 2013 at 09:24 A spokeswoman for the United Nations refugee agency in Uganda says hundreds of Congolese are fleeing into Uganda to avoid being forcibly conscripted into the ranks of the rebel group M23. Lucy Beck of UNHCR said Wednesday that more than 250 Congolese villagers crossed into Uganda on Tuesday alone, joining at least 1,000 more who fled in recent days. She said the situation is "uncertain," with the agency stocking up on supplies in anticipation of more arrivals. M23, the most prominent rebel group in eastern Congo, has been talking up its readiness to defend itself against an offensive brigade of U.N. peacekeepers set to be deployed there. According to Beck, the refugees are "fleeing M23 preparations." Peace talks between the rebels and the Congolese government have hit a dead end. AP NewsUgandan general questions Museveni succession planMay 09, 2013 KAMPALA, Uganda (AP) — Breaking ranks with the military high command, a general is accusing President Yoweri Museveni of trying to ensure his son replaces him, the first top official to raise concerns about the purported succession plan. David Sejusa, one of only six generals in the Ugandan military and a member of its high command, said in a recent letter to the head of the internal security service that he wants an investigation into allegations that those opposed to Museveni's son as a future leader could be targeted for assassination. The allegations by a military official believed to be near the center of power have shocked many in Uganda. The army's top commander ruled Sejusa "out of order" and accused him of subverting the country's military laws. Some analysts now believe the apparent division among the military's top brass suggests a power struggle amid uncertainty over when Museveni, in power for almost three decades, will retire and who might replace him. Gen. Aronda Nyakairima, the army's top commander, issued a statement Tuesday saying the military was offended by Sejusa's letter, in which Sejusa alleged that the idea of Museveni's son taking over as president when his father retires "is becoming divisive and creating fertile ground for causing intrigue" in the armed forces. "The (Ugandan military) takes exception to the fact that the spirit of the general's letter simply champions the agenda of the radical and anarchic political opposition, hence rendering him partisan," Nyakairima's statement said. "I would like to take this opportunity to reassure the general public that the (Ugandan military) is a cohesive, effective, efficient and pro-people force ... loyal to the people, the commander-in-chief and the constitution of Uganda." Museveni's son, a senior army officer named Muhoozi Kainerugaba, has been rapidly promoted over the years, leading some to believe he's being groomed to succeed his father. Last year he was made an army brigadier in changes that also saw him become the top commander of the country's special forces, an elite unit widely seen as the most powerful in the military. The special forces guard the country's oil installations and are also in charge of the president's security. In this position Kainerugaba answers to his father. Museveni, himself a serving army general, has never publicly said he wants his son to succeed him. But rumors to the contrary have persisted, fuelled in part by the son's strong position in a military institution that wields substantial power in this East African country. Angelo Izama, a Ugandan analyst who runs a security think tank called Fanaka Kwawote, said there was likely a power struggle within the army ranks as the older generation of army officers gradually loses power to the new guard, of which Kainerugaba is the most prominent member. Sejusa is one of the original bush-war fighters at the side of Museveni when his rebels took Kampala in 1986. "The younger officers are now effectively in charge," Izama said. "Some of these things reflect the older officers' disenchantment with this state of affairs. Succession has already begun in the military, and it has proceeded apace." It remains unclear if Museveni will seek another term in office when his current one expires in 2016. Ladislaus Rwakafuuzi, a prominent Ugandan lawyer and political analyst, said Sejusa had given voice to an issue that few in the military have the courage to speak of. "It's a fact that he's not alone in thinking this way about Museveni's son," Rwakafuuzi said. "Many of the army officers haven't spoken their mind, but they know that Muhoozi's meteoric rise does not augur well for politics in this country."
Organization and history[edit]Robert Kajuga, a Tutsi (unusual for this group),[4] was the President of the Interahamwe. The Vice President of Interahamwe was Georges Rutaganda. The Interahamwe was formed by groups of young people of the MRND party. They carried out the Rwandan Genocide acts against the Tutsis in 1994. The Interahamwe formed RTLM, the genocidal radio station which was used to broadcast where the Tutsis were fleeing. Following the invasion of the Rwandan capital Kigali by the Tutsi Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF), many Rwandan civilians and members of the Interahamwe fled to neighbouring countries, most notably to what at the time was Zaire, now Democratic Republic of Congo, and Tanzania. Sudan welcomed former Interahamwe to Juba, and in March 1998, Colonel Tharcisse Renzaho, the former prefect of Kigali, and Colonel Ntiwiragabo, the former Rwandan Presidential Guard commander, arrived in Juba from Nairobi to organize them.[5] It has been nearly impossible to bring the Interahamwe to justice because they did not wear uniforms or have a clearly organized group of followers. They were the neighbors, friends and co-workers of Tutsis. Throughout the war, members of the Interahamwe moved into camps of refugees and the internally displaced. There the victims were mixed in with the enemy and to this day it cannot be proven who killed whom. During the war, millions of Rwandan Hutu refugees fled to Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo), along with many members of the Interahamwe, Presidential Guard, and the Rwandan Government Forces (RGF). Following the recruitment of significant numbers of Congolese Hutu the organization took the name Armée de Libération du Rwanda (ALiR).[citation needed] With the Kagame regime still in power, members still take part in border raids from the refugee camps. CHECK THIS OUT !!! As In The African Village: PAUL KAGAME KILLED PRESIDENT JUVENAL HABYARIMANA Details Published on Saturday, 01 October 2011 22:36 Written by Jennifer Fierberg, MSW Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa took to his Facebook page yesterday and wrote out a powerful and telling confession about the assassination of the late President of Rwanda Juvenal Habyarimana. Dr. Rudasingwa's confession explains in detail how this decision was made and who was involved. This statement, is in its complete and unedited version below. Dr. Rudasingwa said to this writer as to why he wrote this statement, "it is not about a war of words but a battle for the soul of our nation." Confession PAUL KAGAME KILLED PRESIDENT JUVENAL HABYARIMANA, PRESIDENT CYPRIEN NTARYAMIRA OF BURUNDI, DEOGRATIAS NSABIMANA, ELIE SAGATWA, THADDEE BAGARAGAZA, JUVENAL RENZAHO, EMMANUEL AKINGENEYE, BERNARD CIZA, CYRIAQUE SIMBIZI, JACKY HERAUD, JEAN PIERRE MINABERRY AND JEAN-MICHEL PERRINE On August 4, 1993, in Arusha, Tanzania, the Government of Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front signed the Arusha Peace Agreement. The provisions of the agreement included a commitment to principles of the rule of law, democracy, national unity, pluralism, the respect of fundamental freedoms and the rights of the individual. The agreement further had provisions on power-sharing, formation of one and single National Army and a new National Gendarmerie from forces of the two warring parties; and a definitive solution to the problem of Rwandan refugees. On April 6, 1994, at 8:25 p.m., the Falcon 50 jet of the President of the Republic of Rwanda, registration number "9XR-NN", on its return from a summit meeting in DAR-ES-SALAAM,Tanzania, as it was on approach to Kanombe International Airport in KIGALI, Rwanda, was shot down. All on board, including President Juvenal Habyarimana , President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, their entire entourage and flight crew died. The death of President Juvenal Habyarimana triggered the start of genocide that targeted Tutsi and Hutu moderates, and the resumption of civil war between RPF and the Government of Rwanda. The RPF's sad and false narrative from that time on has been that Hutu extremists within President Habyarimana's camp shot down the plane to derail the implementation of the Arusha Peace Agreement, and to find a pretext to start the genocide in which over 800,000 Rwandans died in just 100 days. This narrative has become a predominant one in some international circles, among scholars, and in some human rights organizations. The truth must now be told. Paul Kagame, then overall commander of the Rwandese Patriotic Army, the armed wing of the Rwandese Patriotic Front, was personally responsible for the shooting down of the plane. In July, 1994, Paul Kagame himself, with characteristic callousness and much glee, told me that he was responsible for shooting down the plane. Despite public denials, the fact of Kagame's culpability in this crime is also a public "secret" within RPF and RDF circles. Like many others in the RPF leadership, I enthusiastically sold this deceptive story line, especially to foreigners who by and large came to believe it, even when I knew that Kagame was the culprit in this crime. The political and social atmosphere during the period from the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993 was highly explosive, and the nation was on edge. By killing President Habyarimana, Paul Kagame introduced a wild card in an already fragile ceasefire and dangerous situation. This created a powerful trigger, escalating to a tipping point towards resumption of the civil war, genocide, and the region-wide destabilization that has devastated the Great Lakes region since then. Paul Kagame has to be immediately brought to account for this crime and its consequences. First, there is absolutely nothing honorable or heroic in reaching an agreement for peace with a partner, and then stabbing him in the back. Kagame and Habyarimana did not meet on the battlefield on April 6, 1994. If they had, and one of them or both had died, it would have been tragic, but understandable, as a product of the logic of war. President Habyarimana was returning from a peace summit, and by killing him, Kagame demonstrated the highest form of treachery. Second, Kagame, a Tutsi himself, callously gambled away the lives of innocent Tutsi and moderate Hutu who perished in the genocide. While the killing of President Habyarimana, a Hutu, was not a direct cause of the genocide, it provided a powerful motivation and trigger to those who organized, mobilized and executed the genocide against Tutsi and Hutu moderates. Third, by killing President Habyarimana, Kagame permanently derailed the already fragile Arusha peace process in a dangerous pursuit of absolute power in Rwanda. Kagame feared the letter and spirit of the Arusha Peace Agreement. As the subsequent turn of events has now shown, Kagame does not believe in the unity of Rwandans, democracy, respect of human rights and other fundamental freedoms, the rule of law, power sharing, integrated and accountable security institutions with a national character, and resolving the problem of refugees once and for all. This is what the Arusha Peace Agreement was all about. That is what is lacking in Rwanda today. Last, but not least, Kagame's and RPF's false narrative, denials, and deceptions have led to partial justice in Rwanda and at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, thereby undermining prospects for justice for all Rwandan people, reconciliation and healing. The international community has, knowingly or unknowingly, become an accomplice in Kagame's systematic and shameful game of deception. I was never party to the conspiracy to commit this heinous crime. In fact, I first heard about it on BBC around 1:00 am on April 7, 1994, while I was in Kampala where I had been attending the Pan African Movement conference. I believe the majority of members of RPF and RPA civilians and combatants, like me, were not party to this murderous conspiracy that was hatched and organized by Paul Kagame and executed on his orders. Nevertheless, I was a Secretary General of the RPF, and a Major in the rebel army, RPA. It is in this regard, within the context of collective responsibility, and a spirit of truth-telling in search of forgiveness and healing, that I would like to say I am deeply sorry about this loss of life, and to ask for forgiveness from the families of Juvenal Habyarimana, Cyprien Ntaryamira, Deogratias Nsabimana, Elie Sagatwa, Thaddee Bagaragaza, Emmanuel Akingeneye, Bernard Ciza, Cyriaque Simbizi, Jacky Heraud, Jean-Pierre Minaberry, and Jean-Michel Perrine. I also ask for forgiveness from all Rwandan people, in the hope that we must unanimously and categorically reject murder, treachery, lies and conspiracy as political weapons, eradicate impunity once and for all, and work together to build a culture of truth-telling, forgiveness, healing, and the rule of law. I ask for forgiveness from the people of Burundi and France whose leaders and citizens were killed in this crime. Above all, I ask for forgiveness from God for having lied and concealed evil for too long. In freely telling the truth before God and the Rwandan people, I fully understand the risk I have undertaken, given Paul Kagame's legendary vindictiveness and unquenchable thirst for spilling the blood of Rwandans. It is a shared risk that Rwandans bear daily in their quest for freedom and justice for all. Neither power and fame, nor gold and silver, are the motivation for me in these matters of death that have defined our nation for too long. Truth cannot wait for tomorrow, because the Rwandan nation is very sick and divided, and cannot rebuild and heal on lies. All Rwandans urgently need truth today. Our individual and collective search for truth will set us free. When we are free, we can freely forgive each other and begin to live fully and heal at last. Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa Former: RPF Secretary General, Ambassador of Rwanda to the United States, and Chief of Staff for President Paul Kagame. E-mail: ngombwa(at)gmail.com; Washington, DC. October 1, 2011 *Juvénal HABYARIMANA, Head of State of Rwanda; Cyprien NTARYAMIRA, Head of State of Burundi; Déogratias NSABIMANA, Chief of Staff of Rwandan Armed Forces (R.A.F.); Elie SAGATWA, Colonel and Chief of the Military Cabinet of the Rwandan president; Thaddée BAGARAGAZA, Major and executive officer in the 'maison militaire' of the Rwandan president; Juvénal RENZAHO, foreign affairs adviser to the Rwandan president; Emmanuel AKINGENEYE, personal physician to the Rwandan president; Bernard CIZA, Minister of Planning in the government of Burundi; Cyriaque SIMBIZI, Communications Minister of Burundi; and members of the French flight crew, Jacky HERAUD, pilot;. Jean-Pierre MINABERRY, co-pilot; and , Jean-Michel PERRINE, flight engineer. (Source: africandictator.com) Submitted by: Jennifer Fierberg, MSW @@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@ Samedi 1 octobre 2011601/10/Oct/201112:22
PAUL KAGAME KILLED PRESIDENT JUVENAL HABYARIMANA, PRESIDENT CYPRIEN NTARYAMIRA OF BURUNDI, DEOGRATIAS NSABIMANA, ELIE SAGATWA, THADDEE BAGARAGAZA, JUVENAL RENZAHO, EMMANUEL AKINGENEYE, BERNARD CIZA, CYRIAQUE SIMBIZI, JACKY HERAUD, JEAN PIERRE MINABERRY AND JEAN-MICHEL PERRINE (1) On August 4, 1993, in Arusha, Tanzania, the Government of Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front signed the Arusha Peace Agreement. The provisions of the agreement included a commitment to principles of the rule of law, democracy, national unity, pluralism, the respect of fundamental freedoms and the rights of the individual. The agreement further had provisions on power-sharing, formation of one and single National Army and a new National Gendarmerie from forces of the two warring parties; and a definitive solution to the problem of Rwandan refugees.
On April 6, 1994, at 8:25 p.m., the Falcon 50 jet of the President of the Republic of Rwanda, registration number "9XR-NN", on its return from a summit meeting in DAR-ESSALAAM, Tanzania, as it was on approach to Kanombe International Airport in KIGALI, Rwanda, was shot down. All on board, including President Juvenal Habyarimana, President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, their entire entourage and flight crew died. The death of President Juvenal Habyarimana triggered the start of genocide that targeted Tutsi and Hutu moderates, and the resumption of civil war between RPF and the Government of Rwanda. The RPF's sad and false narrative from that time on has been that Hutu extremists within President Habyarimana's camp shot down the plane to derail the implementation of the Arusha Peace Agreement, and to find a pretext to start the genocide in which over 800,000 Rwandans died in just 100 days. This narrative has become a predominant one in some international circles, among scholars, and in some human rights organizations. The truth must now be told. Paul Kagame, then overall commander of the Rwandese Patriotic Army, the armed wing of the Rwandese Patriotic Front, was personally responsible for the shooting down of the plane. In July, 1994, Paul Kagame himself, with characteristic callousness and much glee, told me that he was responsible for shooting down the plane. Despite public denials, the fact of Kagame's culpability in this crime is also a public "secret" within RPF and RDF circles. Like many others in the RPF leadership, I enthusiastically sold this deceptive story line, especially to foreigners who by and large came to believe it, even when I knew that Kagame was the culprit in this crime. The political and social atmosphere during the period from the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993 was highly explosive, and the nation was on edge. By killing President Habyarimana, Paul Kagame introduced a wild card in an already fragile ceasefire and dangerous situation. This created a powerful trigger, escalating to a tipping point towards resumption of the civil war, genocide, and the region-wide destabilization that has devastated the Great Lakes region since then. Paul Kagame has to be immediately brought to account for this crime and its consequences. First, there is absolutely nothing honorable or heroic in reaching an agreement for peace with a partner, and then stabbing him in the back. Kagame and Habyarimana did not meet on the battlefield on April 6, 1994. If they had, and one of them or both had died, it would have been tragic, but understandable, as a product of the logic of war. President Habyarimana was returning from a peace summit, and by killing him, Kagame demonstrated the highest form of treachery. Second, Kagame, a Tutsi himself, callously gambled away the lives of innocent Tutsi and moderate Hutu who perished in the genocide. While the killing of President Habyarimana, a Hutu, was not a direct cause of the genocide, it provided a powerful motivation and trigger to those who organized mobilized and executed the genocide against Tutsi and Hutu moderates. Third, by killing President Habyarimana, Kagame permanently derailed the already fragile Arusha peace process in a dangerous pursuit of absolute power in Rwanda. Kagame feared the letter and spirit of the Arusha Peace Agreement. As the subsequent turn of events has now shown, Kagame does not believe in the unity of Rwandans, democracy, respect of human rights and other fundamental freedoms, the rule of law, power sharing, integrated and accountable security institutions with a national character, and resolving the problem of refugees once and for all. This is what the Arusha Peace Agreement was all about. That is what is lacking in Rwanda today. Last, but not least, Kagame's and RPF's false narrative, denials, and deceptions have led to partial justice in Rwanda and at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, thereby undermining prospects for justice for all Rwandan people, reconciliation and healing. The international community has, knowingly or unknowingly, become an accomplice in Kagame's systematic and shameful game of deception. I was never party to the conspiracy to commit this heinous crime. In fact, I first heard about it on BBC around 1:00 am on April 7, 1994, while I was in Kampala where I had been attending the Pan African Movement conference. I believe the majority of members of RPF and RPA civilians and combatants, like me, were not party to this murderous conspiracy that was hatched and organized by Paul Kagame and executed on his orders. Nevertheless, I was a Secretary General of the RPF, and a Major in the rebel army, RPA. It is in this regard, within the context of collective responsibility, and a spirit of truth-telling in search of forgiveness and healing, that I would like to say I am deeply sorry about this loss of life, and to ask for forgiveness from the families of Juvenal Habyarimana, Cyprien Ntaryamira, Deogratias Nsabimana, Elie Sagatwa, Thaddee Bagaragaza, Emmanuel Akingeneye, Bernard Ciza, Cyriaque Simbizi, Jacky Heraud, Jean-Pierre Minaberry, and Jean-Michel Perrine. I also ask for forgiveness from all Rwandan people, in the hope that we must unanimously and categorically reject murder, treachery, lies and conspiracy as political weapons, eradicate impunity once and for all, and work together to build a culture of truth-telling, forgiveness, healing, and the rule of law. I ask for forgiveness from the people of Burundi and France whose leaders and citizens were killed in this crime. Above all, I ask for forgiveness from God for having lied and concealed evil for too long. In freely telling the truth before God and the Rwandan people, I fully understand the risk I have undertaken, given Paul Kagame's legendary vindictiveness and unquenchable thirst for spilling the blood of Rwandans. It is a shared risk that Rwandans bear daily in their quest for freedom and justice for all. Neither power and fame, nor gold and silver, are the motivation for me in these matters of death that have defined our nation for too long. Truth cannot wait for tomorrow, because the Rwandan nation is very sick and divided, and cannot rebuild and heal on lies. All Rwandans urgently need truth today. Our individual and collective search for truth will set us free. When we are free, we can freely forgive each other and begin to live fully and heal at last.
(1) Juvénal HABYARIMANA, Head of State of Rwanda; Cyprien NTARYAMIRA, Head of State of Burundi; Déogratias NSABIMANA, Chief of Staff of Rwandan Armed Forces (R.A.F.); Elie SAGATWA, Colonel and Chief of the Military Cabinet of the Rwandan president; Thaddée BAGARAGAZA, Major and executive officer in the 'maison militaire' of the Rwandan president; Juvénal RENZAHO, foreign affairs adviser to the Rwandan president; Emmanuel AKINGENEYE, personal physician to the Rwandan president; Bernard CIZA, Minister of Planning in the government of Burundi; Cyriaque SIMBIZI, communications Minister of Burundi; and members of the French flight crew, Jacky HERAUD, pilot;. Jean-Pierre MINABERRY, co-pilot; and Jean-Michel PERRINE, flight engineer. By Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa Former: RPF Secretary General, Ambassador of Rwanda to the United States, and Chiefof Staff for President Paul Kagame. E-mail: ngombwa@gmail.com ; Washington, DC. October 1, 2011 http://www.france-rwanda.info/article-paul-kagame-killed-president-juvenal-habyarimana-85574365.html World: Africa  Interahamwe: A serious military threat Tuesday, March 2, 1999 Published at 12:03 GMT  Hundreds of thousands died in Rwanda in 1994 By Chris Simpson in Kigali The abduction of foreign tourists in the Bwindi National Park in Uganda is being blamed on Rwandan rebels known as the Interahamwe. The Interahamwe are viewed by the Rwandan authorities as the remaining hardcore of the force which carried out much of the mass killing during the genocide of 1994. A Tutsi-led army ended the massacres by seizing power and driving the Hutu extremists out of Rwanda. Close to five years on, the Interahamwe militias are still fighting their own war, sometimes inside Rwanda, but now more often just across the border. Cross-border war The Rwandan Government says a large-scale military campaign has cleaned up the troubled northwest of Rwanda, but accepts that the rebel units have since regrouped in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo. The Interahamwe's exact strength is not known, and it has proved difficult to identify a clear political and military leadership. But there have been reports that thousands of Rwandan rebels have been brought under arms by Congo President Laurent Kabila to support his fight against Congolese rebels backed by Rwanda and Uganda. Mountain strongholds A report last year by the United Nations confirmed that the Interahamwe were still receiving arms and money from outside supporters. The militia's main strongholds are thought to be in the mountains which straddle the borders of Uganda, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. It is a region of volcanoes and thick forests, which is also home to hundreds of mountain gorillas. But wildlife tourism, once a lucrative source of revenue, has been severely hit by the continuing conflicts in this part of Africa, and the Interahamwe have made a point of targeting gorilla sites. The abduction and killing of tourists is now seen as an important tactic for a rebel movement anxious to boost its profile abroad and to cause fresh security worries for the authorities in Rwanda and Uganda. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/288937.stm Who killed President Habyarimana?  President Habyarimana was assassinated on 6 April 1994. To date no inquiry was set up to find the culprits. WHY? Only a month and a half after the February 2005 attack which claimed the life of former Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafik Hariri, the UN Security Council authorised the establishment of an international commission of inquiry to highlight responsibilities. It was the same a year after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto in Pakistan. Sixteen years on, nothing was done to find out who was behind the killing of two incumbent African presidents. Do we have to talk of international conspiracy to conceal the truth? However, whoever killed President Habyarimana is responsible for the atrocities that followed his death and will one day respond to these ignoble acts. Former Kagame aide wants to testify on April 6 plane attack | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
By Theogene Rudasingwa, Former: RPF Secretary General, Ambassador of Rwanda to the United States, and Chief
| JaGem Konyiego, When we intervene and engage, we have sources from the ground in the grassroots and we are well fed with information. We interract with victims of circumstances who find themselves embroiled in situations of insecurity against their will. Now you can follow this thread to have yourself informed and get to know who the aggressor is in the case of Rwanda invasion to Congo. You will also understand how Kagame took opportunity of good gesture of Kabila to welcome the Tutsi Refugees settlers in Congo to plan insurgency to overtake the Government of Congo. 1) Congo's invasion by M23 is as a result of Rwanda's President Kagame's interest of Land Grabbing in Congo and because of selfishness and greed, concur Congo's wealth and resources. 2) It was not his intention to have Bosco taken to ICC Hague, but he preferred Bosco to be hit by drone and chapter closed.......so he can be as free as a fish in the river....... 3) Kagame created M23 to serve the purpose using Rwanda's facilities to formulate and finance M23 4) It is criminally wrong, illegal and unacceptable to plan to conspire, invade, attack, steal and destroy another country's people, properties and establishments to satisfy personal selfish greed and special interest......because it brakes, violates and abuses all forms of International Human Rights Laws that calls for a harmonious peaceful livelihood with respect for human empathy, dignify, values and virtue and a peaceful survival with secure and safe environment.......for which Kagame is guilty 5) Bosco Ntaganda's is Kagame's agent and when the United Nations zerod-in after public pressure to identify a Rebel leader causing distraction of Congo as Bosco, a plan was cooked to save Kagame but sacrifice Bosco......yet, the masterminder and person responsible lay squarely on Kagame who has 100% on Congo's wealth and resource he shares with his unscrupulous Corporate Special Business Interest of the International Community. 6) M23 of Kagames 200 special soldiers continue to illegally occupy a base in the eastern Congo and continue to conduct insurgency operations against the FDLR. 7) Allegations of anti-Tutsi discrimination are just a pretext for Rwanda meddling with Congo's peace and security. The Tutsi's Refugees in Congo were welcomed under humanitarian grounds when they were killing themselves brutally in Rwanda and are living at the mercy of Congo government........it cannot be the other-way round and Kagame has no right to demand part of Congo by force. Kagame of Rwanda therefore bear almost full responsibility for everything that happens in DRC......the profit of the wealth looted from Congo is shared between Kagame with his International business network who promise him sofisticated armmunitions to threaten and distabilize Congo. 8) When the peoples pressure begun to mount, Kagame begun to dance kwasa kwasa.........trying to find how to sacrifice Bosco and then preferred to have General Laurent Nkunda who turned down the offer to lead the rebellion group. According to our sources, during several meetings held in the weeks before, General Paul Kagame once again asked General Nkunda to lead the rebellion. General Paul Kagame said that he does not want General Bosco Ntaganda. He pointed to the recent UN Security Council resolution adjoining all the countries in the region to stop supporting Bosco Ntaganda, a General who has been indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC). General Paul Kagame also said that he does not trust Colonel Sultani Makenga, who was born and raised in the Congo, and hence appears to have no emotional attachment to Rwanda. General Laurent Nkunda continued to reject the offer arguing that he has been away from his troops for too long and insisted on keeping Colonel Makenga and reassuring others that he will keep Colonel Makenga in check. General Laurent Nkunda has been officially under house arrest in Rwanda since January 2009, following the international condemnation of Rwanda for supporting him in a bloody uprising. But the reality is that he has never been under any arrest and was only forbidden from crossing. He and General Bosco Ntaganda are involved in the exploitation of Congolese minerals and timber, oil, and real estate businesses. 9) M23-CNDP was created in Congo to represent the RefugeeTutsi Ethnic in Congo under the command of General Luarent Nkunda, General Bosco Ntaganda and Colonel Makenga in the Eastern Congo. They even formed their own police Chief General Bisengimana in Congo as a fifth column in Western DRC, especially the capital Kinshasa PARECO-APLCS, mostly Nande under the command of General Kakulu Sikuli Vasaka Lafontaine and former Foreign Affairs Minister Mbusa Nyamwisi PARECO mostly Hutu, under the command of Colonel Akilimali Ethnic Hema, under the command of Colonel Kahasha. Other troops, mostly from Katanga were under the command of disgraced former Tutsi in DRC Police Chief General Numbi, a confident to Rwandan Defense Minister General James Kabarebe. NOW THE M23 CONSPIRACY PLAN THAT BACKFIRED The plan is first to put in place a national cover for a Rwandan led rebellion to act as Congolese. Once the cover is well recognized, M23 will officially remain in the Kivus, while other factions will continue the march to Kinshasa to overthrow General Joseph Kabila and install a Rwandese Refugee Tutsi as Congolese President. On July 8, 2012, Rwandan Defense Forces and M23 seized the towns of Rubare and Ntamugenga, situated on the axis between Goma and Rutshuru, thus completely isolating Rutshuru. As this article goes under press, sources within M23 and Rwandan Defense Forces told AfroAmerica Network that in the next days, they will move towards Masisi, Goma and Walikale. General Lafontaine's and Colonel Kahasha's troops are already moving towards the towns of Butembo and Beni to make a juction with the troops led by Colonel Akilimali and those loyal to Former Foreign Affairs Minister Mbusa Nyamwisi. Then the two will move westward to meet in the major town of Kisangani, before continuing on to Kinshasa. When they took over Goma, it was a walk through as the UN Peacekeeping did not pause any resistance except the intervention of the Diaspora Voices of reasons........ JaGem, what do you have to say about this..............??? Judy Miriga Diaspora Spokesperson Executive Director Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc., USA http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com Watch and Read this: ............. Paul Kagame and M23 Bandits full Report M23 Chief Executioner, Colonel Sultani Makenga marketing his trade Rwandan Defense Forces, under the cover of Congolese rebels known as M23, have started their 2,000-mile long march to the capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kinshasa. According to our sources within Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF), the order to march on Kinshasa was given on June 30, 2012 in a final meeting between General Paul Kagame of Rwanda, ex-CNDP Commander General Laurent Nkunda and Rwandan top military leaders, including Defense Minister General James Kabarebe, Chief of Joint Military Staff General Charles Kayonga, and General Paul Kagame's intelligence and security adviser, General Jack Nziza. The march started on July 1, 2012 when the last unit of close to 3,000 Rwandan troops crossed the border into the DRC on the night of June 30th to reinforce 2,000 troops already supporting M23.  m23 Cadre waiting for orders from Rwanda There's enough evidence by the Group of Experts Interim report on the Democratic Republic of Congo, that proves how Rwanda and its Prodigal Son, Bosco Ntaganda aka The Terminator are ploting a new frenzy of criminality in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Throughout the Group's investigations, it has systematically gathered testimonies from former M23 combatants, M23 collaborators, ex-RDF officers, Congolese intelligence, FARDC commanders, and politicians which affirm the direct involvement in the support to M23 from senior levels of the Rwandan government. a)General Jacques Nziza, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Defence, supervises all military, financial, and logistic support as well as mobilization activities related to M23. He has recently been deployed to Ruhengeri and Gisenyi to coordinate M23 assistance and recruitment. b)General James Kabarebe, the Rwandan Minister of Defense, with the support of his personal secretary Captain Celestin Senkoko, also is a central figure in recruitment and mobilizing political and military support to M23. Kabarebe has often been in direct contact with M23 members on the ground to coordinate military activities. c)General Charles Kayonga, the RDF Chief of Staff manages the overall military support to M23. Kayonga is frequently in communication with Makenga and oversaw the transfer of Makenga's troops and weapons through Rwanda.  Criminal Paul Kagame and Bosco Ntaganda's Crew d) The military support on the ground has been channeled by General Emmanuel Ruvusha, RDF Division commander based in Gisenyi, as well as General Alexi Kagame, RDF Division commander based at Ruhengeri. Both facilitate recruitment of civilians and demobilized soldiers to M23 as well as coordinating RDF reinforcements in Runyoni with M23 commanders. e)Colonel Jomba Gakumba, a native of North Kivu, who used to be an RDF instructor at the Rwandan Military Academy at Gako, was redeployed to Ruhengeri since the creation of M23, where he has been in charge of commanding locally military operations in support of M23.  M23 is using Rwandan territory and benefiting directly from Rwanda Defence Forces facilitation Rwandan support to armed groups is not limited to the Kivus. In Ituri District, the Group has confirmed attempts by the RDF to convince FARDC commanders to defect from the Congolese army and join the newly created Coalition des groupes armés de l'Ituri – COGAI rebel movement. FARDC officers have stated to the Group that General Kabarebe made a series of telephone calls with these instructions in early 2012. COGAI unites former militia members from different ethnic backgrounds under the leadership of FRPI commander ethnic Lendu "Brigadier General Banaloki alias "Cobra Matata" (see paragraphs 51 & 52 interim report). According to FARDC, intelligence sources and COGAIsympathizers, Banaloki has been approached by prominent members of the Hema community, seeking to create an alliance against Kinshasa following the conviction of Thomas Lubanga by the ICC. Addendum to the Group of Experts on the DRC's interim report (S/2012/348) concerning: Rwandan government violations of the arms embargo and sanctions regime I. Introduction 1. Pursuant to its oral briefing presented to the Sanctions Committee on 13 June 2012 and in fulfillment of its commitment to provide timely information on arms embargo and sanctions violations to this same Committee, the Group presents this addendum to its interim report (S/2012/348).[1] 2. Since the outset of its current mandate, the Group has gathered evidence of arms embargo and sanctions regime violations committed by the Rwandan Government. These violations consist of the provision of material and financial support to armed groups operating in the eastern DRC, including the recently established M23, in contravention of paragraph 1 of Security Council resolution 1807.[2] The arms embargo and sanctions regimes violations include the following:
3. Over the course of its investigation since late 2011, the Group has found substantial evidence attesting to support from Rwandan officials to armed groups operating in the eastern DRC. Initially the RDF appeared to establish these alliances to facilitate a wave of targeted assassinations against key FDLR officers, thus significantly weakening the rebel movement (see paragraphs 37 & 38 of interim report). However, these activities quickly extended to support for a series of post-electoral mutinies within the FARDC and eventually included the direct facilitation, through the use of Rwandan territory, of the creation of the M23 rebellion. The latter is comprised of ex-CNDP officers integrated into the Congolese army (FARDC) in January 2009. Since M23 established itself in strategic positions along the Rwandan border in May 2012, the Group has gathered overwhelming evidence demonstrating that senior RDF officers, in their official capacities, have been backstopping the rebels through providing weapons, military supplies, and new recruits. 4. In turn, M23 continues to solidify alliances with many other armed groups and mutineer movements, including those previously benefiting from RDF support. This has created enormous security challenges, extending from Ituri district in the north to Fizi territory in south, for the already over-stretched Congolese army (FARDC). Through such arms embargo violations, Rwandan officials have also been in contravention of the sanctions regime's travel ban and assets freeze measures, by including three designated individuals amongst their direct allies. 5. In an attempt to solve the crisis which this Rwandan support to armed groups had exacerbated, the governments of the DRC and Rwanda have held a series of high-level bilateral meetings since early April 2012.During these discussions, Rwandan officials have insisted on impunity for their armed group and mutineer allies, including ex-CNDP General Bosco Ntaganda, and the deployment of additional RDF units to the Kivus to conduct large-scale joint operations against the FDLR. The latter request has been repeatedly made despite the fact that: a) the RDF halted its unilateral initiatives to weaken the FDLR in late February;[4] b) RDF Special Forces have already been deployed officially in Rutshuru territory for over a year; c) RDF operational units are periodically reinforcing the M23 on the battlefield against the Congolese army; d) M23 is directly and indirectly allied with several FDLR splinter groups; ande) the RDF is re-mobilizing previously repatriated FDLR to boost the ranks of M23. Elevated standards of evidence 6. In light of the serious nature of these findings, the Group has adopted elevated methodological standards. Since early April 2012, the Group has interviewed over 80 deserters of FARDC mutinies and Congolese armed groups, including from M23. Amongst the latter, the Group has interviewed 31 Rwandan nationals. Furthermore, the Group has also photographed weapons and military equipment found in arms caches and on the battlefield, as well as obtained official documents and intercepts of radio communications. The Group has also consulted dozens of senior Congolese military commanders and intelligence officials as well as political and community leaders with intricate knowledge of developments between the DRC and Rwanda. Moreover, the Group has communicated regularly with several active participants of the ex-CNDP mutiny, the M23 rebellion, and other armed groups. Finally, while the Group's standard methodology requires a minimum of three sources, assessed to be credible and independent of one another, it has raised this to five sources when naming specific individuals involved in these cases of arms embargo and sanctions regime violations. II. Rwandan support to M23
7. Since the earliest stages of its inception, the Group documented a systematic pattern of military and political support provided to the M23 rebellion by Rwandan authorities. Upon taking control over the strategic position of Runyoni, along the Rwandan border with DRC, M23 officers opened two supply routes going from Runyoni to Kinigi or Njerima in Rwanda, which RDF officers used to deliver such support as troops, recruits, and weapons. The Group also found evidence that Rwandan officials mobilized ex-CNDP cadres and officers, North Kivu politicians, business leaders and youth in support of M23. A. Direct assistance in the creation of M23 through Rwandan territory
8. Colonel Sultani Makenga deserted the FARDC in order to create the M23 rebellion using Rwandan territory and benefiting directly from RDF facilitation (see paragraph 104 of interim report). On 4 May, Makenga crossed the border from Goma into Gisenyi, Rwanda, and waited for his soldiers to join him from Goma and Bukavu. Intelligence sources, M23 collaborators and local politicians confirmed for the Group that RDF Western Division commander, General Emmanuel Ruvusha, welcomed Makenga upon his arrival to Gisenyi. The same sources indicated that Ruvusha subsequently held a series of coordination meetings with other RDF officers in Gisenyi and Ruhengeri over the following days with Makenga. 9. According to ex-CNDP and FARDC officers, also on 4 May, Colonels Kazarama, Munyakazi, and Masozera, and an estimated 30 of Makenga's loyal troops departed from Goma crossing into Rwanda through fields close to the Kanyamuyagha border. Several FARDC officers, civilian border officials, and intelligence officers stationed at Kanyamuyagha confirmed that they saw clear boot tracks of Makenga's troops crossing the border into Rwanda only a few meters away from an RDF position on the Rwandan side. These same sources also recovered several FARDC uniforms discarded by the deserters at that location the same night. 10. A second group of Makenga's loyal troops deserted the FARDC ranks in Bukavu, also via Rwanda. Three former M23 combatants who took part in the operation told the Group that ahead of his desertion, Makenga had gathered about 60 troops under the command of Major Imani Nzenze, his secretary, as well as Colonels Seraphin Mirindi and Jimmy Nzamuye in his residence by Lake Kivu in Nguba neighborhood of Bukavu (see image 1). At 20:30 on 4 May, the two large motorized boats transported the 60 troops and several tons of ammunitions and weapons 200 meters across the lake to the Rwandan town of Cyangugu (see paragraph 118 of interim report). The same sources indicated that upon arrival to Rwanda the boats were sent back once again to Makenga's residence to recover the remainder of the weapons and ammunition (see image 2). According to one of the M23 combatants who later deserted the movement, and Congolese intelligence services, the evacuated weapons included such heavy weapons as katyusha rocket launchers, RPG 7, and 14.5 mm machine guns, some of which were brought from Makenga's weapons caches at Nyamunyoni (see paragraph 118 of interim report). 11. The three former M23 combatants who participated in the operation also told the Group that upon arrival in Cyangugu, RDF and Rwandan police brought them to a military camp. The RDF subsequently provided them with full Rwandan army uniforms to be worn while traveling within Rwanda. The troops and the military equipment were afterwards loaded onto three RDF trucks, and transported via the towns of Kamembe, Gikongoro, Butare, Ngororero, Nkamira and brought to the RDF position at Kabuhanga. This military position is situated on the DRC-Rwanda border, near the village of Gasizi in Rwanda (roughly 27 km north of Goma). This ex-combatant testimony was corroborated by several sources interviewed by the Group, who all attested to the movement of troops from Rwanda into the DRC: |
a)
| Image 3: M23 travel
|
separately in Kibumba personally witnessed Rwandan soldiers offloading equipment
and soldiers from RDF trucks and jeeps at Gasizi on those same dates.
b)
Two Congolese border agents observed the
RDF trucks which brought the troops and military equipment to Gasizi.
c)
A civilian intelligence officer reported
that the troops had been brought to Gasizi in trucks.
d)
An FARDC internal intelligence report
states that the troops were brought to join Makenga at Gasizi (see annex 1).
12.
Several former M23 combatants also told the Group that General Ruvusha
accompanied Makenga to meet with his troops in the RDF base at Kabuhanga (see image
3). RDF commanders ordered the Congolese soldiers to put on once again their FARDC
uniforms and provided them with plastic sheets, food, soap, and kitchen utensils.
RDF officers also instructed the soldiers to remove any signs identifying
Rwanda, such as labels on uniforms and water bottles.
13.
That night, RDF officers ordered the FARDC deserters to offload and transport
the weapons brought from Bukavu through the Virunga National Park, to Gasizi on
the DRC side,[5]
between Karisimbi and Mikeno volcanoes.On
8 May, these soldiers joined up with the mutineers who came from Masisi territory
to the assembly point at Gasizi. Military
and police officers, as well as local authorities from Kibumba reported on the arrival
of the mutineers from Masisi near the border, and the movement of Makenga's
troops from Rwanda into DRC. A local authority gathered reports from Rwandan
civilians who had been forced to carry the weapons from Gasizi, in Rwanda, to
the DRC border. After Ntaganda's and Makenga's groups merged, they advanced
further through the park and took control of Runyoni on 10 May to officially launch
military operations of the M23 rebellion (see paragraph 104 of interim report).[6]
B.
RDF recruitment for M23
| Image 4: RDF
|
near the Rwandan border at Runyoni,[7]
the RDF began facilitating the arrival of new civilian recruits and demobilized
former combatants of the FDLR to strengthen the ranks of the rebels.
Civilian
new recruits
15.
The Group interviewed 30 Rwandan nationals who had been recruited into M23 and
managed to escape. Interviewed separately, each confirmed that they had been
recruited in Rwanda. While some interacted with civilian "sensitizers", most
stated that RDF officers directly participated in their recruitment process. M23
collaborators, ex-CNDP officers, politicians, ex-M23 combatants, and Congolese
refugees in Rwanda, informed the Group that a wide network of mobilization has
been established in the main Rwandan towns bordering DRC, as well as in refugee
camps, targeting Rwandan nationals and Congolese refugees for recruitment. Recruitment focal points operating at Kinigi,
Ruhengeri, Mudende, Gisenyi, Mukamira, and Bigogwe, are tasked with identifying
and gathering young men for recruitment and handing them over to RDF soldiers.
Two Congolese refugees, as well as a visitor of Nkamira refugee camp (situated
27 km from Gisenyi in Rwanda) stated to the Group that there has been a
systematic campaign in the camp to encourage young men to join M23.
16.
Former M23 combatants from Rwanda stated that the main transit point for
recruitment is the RDF position at Kinigi, where recruits are regrouped and
sent to DRC (see image 4). This pattern has also been independently confirmed
Congolese intelligence services and a former RDF officer. According to some of
the recruits, they often receive a meal in Hotel Bishokoro, which belongs to General
Bosco Ntaganda and his brother at Kinigi. Afterwards, RDF soldiers escort large
groups of new recruits to the border and send them into the DRC.
17.
According to FARDC officers, Congolese intelligence and civilian sources in
Kibumba a second point of entry for recruits from Rwanda to join M23 is the town
of Njerima,[8] located
on the Rwanda-DRC border southwest of Kinigi (see annex 2). Local traders who
sell their goods at Njerima told the Group that during the last week of May,
M23 recruits passing through the village included refugees from Masisi as well
as Rwandan nationals. Recruits arrive by bus at Ruatano at about a kilometer
from Njerima. From Njerima walking paths lead to Kabare in DRC, which is
located within the DRC's Virunga National Park, in between the volcanoes Mikeno
and Karisimbi. According to park authorities, Kabare is a natural clearing in
the forest where rebel presence has been observed since the last week of May
2012.
18.
The Group has not been able to establish the total numbers of recruits, as upon
arrival to Runyoni they are immediately deployed among the various M23
positions situated on seven distinct hills.[9]
According to Rwandan former M23 combatants, groups that depart from Kinigi, are
composed of 30 to 45 recruits at a time. All recently recruited former
combatants observed other civilian recruits from Rwanda upon arrival to
Runyoni, as well as saw new recruits arriving from Rwanda every second day. One
M23 deserter deployed at Ntaganda's position counted 130 -140 recruits from
Rwanda when he arrived, while another from Chanzu counted about 70 recruits
from Rwanda. For their part, two ex-M23 combatants from Kavumu saw 60 recruits.
19.
All ex-M23 combatants confirmed that there were children under the age of
eighteen amongst the waves of recruits. The Group interviewed two fifteen-year
old boys who had escaped from M23. While one ex-combatant reported that he saw
28 children at Ntaganda's position, another witnessed at least 20 minors at M23's
position at Chanzu. As for most of the M23 recruits, these children are given a
weapon and undergo very rudimentary training before immediately being sent to
the battlefield.
Demobilized
ex-FDLR
20.
The RDF has also deployed demobilized former FDLR combatants to reinforce M23. According
to several former senior FDLR officers, all former combatants of Rwandan armed
groups, upon completion of the Rwandan Demobilization and Reintegration Commission's
program, are automatically enrolled in the RDF's Reserve Force, commanded by General
Fred Ibingira. As members of the Reserve Force, they can be ordered to deploy on
behalf of the RDF on short notice. Former RDF officers, politicians, and M23
collaborators indicated that ex- FDLR combatants from within the RDF's Reserve
Force have been re-mobilized and deployed to Runyoni alongside M23. Active FDLR
officers in DRC also confirmed this re-mobilization of previously repatriated FDLR
combatants. According to Rwandan former
M23 combatants who escaped from Runyoni, small groups of former demobilized combatants
arrive every day and are dispatched between the various M23 positions.[10]
| Image 5: Ex-M23
|
FDLR who had previously been demobilized in Rwanda, and were sent to Runyoni in
May 2012. Both belonged to the Reserve Force. One was deployed after being called
by RDF officers, while the other was invited to join a meeting with other
demobilized soldiers when he was instructed to depart for military service.
Both were taken to the military base at Kinigi, where they received weapons and
ammunition, and were escorted to Runyoni in the same way as the civilian
recruits. Both testified that they have been sent to Runyoni in a group with 70
other people, among which 31 were demobilized soldiers. Upon arrival, they saw
11 other demobilized soldiers at Chanzu (see paragraph 123 of interim report).
C.
RDF logistical support to M23
22.
The RDF has been providing military equipment, weapons, ammunition, and general
supplies to M23 rebels. FARDC and ex-CNDP officers, as well as all ex-M23 combatants
interviewed by the Group reported that RDF officers have been backstopping the
logistics of the rebel movement from the military bases at Kinigi and Njerima.
Through the supply routes going from Rwanda to Runyoni, M23 have received not
only large amounts of weapons and ammunition, but also food, tents, fuel, oil,
plastic sheets, and medicines. Ex-combatants also attest to the fact that some
RDF uniforms are also provided to M23. The Group photographed one M23 deserter
with RDF boots and camouflage pants (see image 5). According to three ex-M23
combatants, RDF troops have also assisted with the evacuation of injured
soldiers. Once brought to the border, they are sent to hospitals and health
clinics in Ruhengeri. Furthermore, ex-CNDP officers, ex-RDF officers, and
senior FARDC commanders told the Group that nearly all M23 officers have
evacuated their families and possessions to Rwanda.
| Image 6: 7.62 mm
|
Rwanda interviewed by the Group stated that the RDF forced them to carry one
box of ammunition and one weapon each when crossing into the DRC. Near the DRC
border crossing with the Rwandan village of Gasizi, the Group obtained a box of
ammunition, which FARDC officers and ex-M23 combatants attested had been
provided by the RDF and was destined for the M23. The metal casing included
7.62 mm tracer ammunition for AK-47 rifles which were painted with a green tip,
in contrast to FARDC ammunition (see image 7). One
displaced villager from Runyoni, interviewed by the Group in Bunagana, stated that
M23 rebels forced him to carry the same ammunition boxes from Chanzu to
Runyoni. Current RDF officers confirmed for the Group that this type of
ammunition did indeed belong to the RDF.
| Image 7: AK-47
|
anti-tank rounds recovered from the battlefield near Kibumba (see annex 3). Colonel
Makenga's arms cache at Nyamunyoni contained over 300 75 mm anti-tank canon
rounds (see paragraph 118 interim report and annex 4).According to several Congolese senior
commanders and logistics officers, neither the anti-tank rounds found on the
battlefield above nor those from Makenga's cache have ever been distributed by
the FARDC.
25.
Ex-M23 combatants have also surrendered with AK-47 rifles which are distinct
from those used by the FARDC. The Group photographed one such rifle which has a
larger barrel muzzle than those used by the FARDC (see image 7).
D. Rwandan officials mobilizing support
to M23
26.
Senior Rwandan officials have also been directly involved in the mobilization
of political leaders and financial backers for M23. Based on interviews
conducted with M23 members, ex-CNDP officers and politicians, intelligence
officers, FARDC senior commanders, the Group established that Rwandan officials
have made extensive telephone calls and organized a series of meetings with
Congolese politicians and businessman to promote and rally support for M23.
Telephone
communications
| Image 8: Resignation
|
undertaken wide-ranging efforts to convince ex-CNDP officers and former CNDP
and RCD politicians to join M23. Several politicians told the Group that senior
Rwandan Government officials had directly contacted them. One politician and
one ex-CNDP officer acknowledged to the Group that RDF Captain Celestin
Senkoko,[11] the
personal assistant of Rwandan Minister of Defence General James Kabarebe,[12]
had called on several occasions to convince them to become a part of M23.
Another politician told the Group that Senkoko and Jack Nziza, Permanent
Secretary of the Ministry of Defence, called and threatened him after he
refused to join M23. Still another politician interviewed by the Group has been
contacted by Kabarebe, Senkoko, and Nziza, all three requesting him to mobilize
support for M23. According to three other politicians, Charles Kayonga, RDF
General Chief of Staff, has called politicians and invited them for a meeting about
M23 in Kigali. Former CNDP General Laurent Nkunda, has also been a key
mobilizer of M23 and has been calling ex-CNDP officers to convince them to join
the new rebellion (see paragraph 107 interim report).
RDF-convened
meetings
28.
According to intelligence sources, politicians, and M23 collaborators, on 23
May 2012, Senkoko organized a meeting, with the participation of RDF officers
and 32 community leaders, mostly CNDP cadres, in Gisenyi at the residence of
CNDP member Gafishi Ngoboka. Senkoko introduced himself as the representative
of Kabarebe and conveyed the message that the Rwandan government supports M23,
whose new war was to obtain a secession of both Kivus. After showing the
territory to be liberated on a map, he instructed politicians to convince all
Rwandophone army officers operating in the Kivus to join M23 and stressed the
need to for M23 to gain more popular support and begin collecting funds.
According to intelligence sources, politicians, and M23 collaborators, Nziza came
to Gisenyi and Ruhengeri at the same period, to supervise both military and
mobilization activities related to M23.
29. Another similar
M23 meeting with Rwandan authorities took place on 26 May 2012 in Ruhengeri,
Rwanda, at Hotel Ishema. According to intelligence sources and to politicians
with close ties to Kigali, the RDF organized the meeting for CNDP politicians,
which was chaired by Bishops John Rucyahana[13]
and Coline, both senior RPF[14]
party leaders. The aim of the meeting was to convey the message that the Rwandan
Government supports M23 politically and militarily. All Rwandophone politicians
and officers were instructed to join M23, or otherwise leave the Kivus. In
particular, CNDP politicians have been asked to resign from the North Kivu
Governorate and to withdraw from the Majorité
Présidentielle (MP).[15]
Following the decision taken during the meeting at Ruhengeri, CNDP Minister of
Justice Francois Ruchogoza resigned from the Governorate in North Kivu on 2
June (see image 7). After considerable pressure to declare CNDP's withdrawal
from the MP, Edouard Mwangachuchu, the head of the CNDP political party,
refused to do so. CNDP politicians siding with M23 and acting from within
Rwanda, made such a declaration nevertheless (see annex 5).
30.
According to politicians, individuals closely associated to M23, and to Congolese
intelligence services, on 2- 3 June, and once again on 9-10 June,
representatives of the business community from Goma, comprised mostly of owners
of fuel stations represented by Desiré Rwabaenda and Dieudonné Komayombi, met General
Kabarebe in Kigali, to discuss mobilizing financial contributions to M23.
E.RDF units directly reinforcing M23 during
operations in the DRC
31.
Former M23 combatants, FARDC officers, local authorities, intelligence
services, and ex-RDF officers informed the Group that RDF units themselves have
also been deployed to reinforce M23 for specific operations at Runyoni. The
following sources have provided detailed accounts of such direct military
involvement of the RDF:
a)
June 2012 from Ntaganda's position in Runyoni stated that his unit was trained
for two weeks in Kanombe military camp in Kigali, before being deployed in
Runyoni already during the first week of March. Having previously fought as a CNDP
soldier under Laurent Nkunda and as part of joint RDF FARDC Amani Leo
operations the soldier in question was recruited alongside several other Rwandan
ex-CNDP soldiers by an RDF Captain in the beginning of February. The mission of
his 80 men strong unit was to prepare the arrival of Ntaganda in Runyoni. On
its way to Runyoni via Kinigi the unit was joined by an estimated 150 more RDF
soldiers.
b)
FINAL_files/image023.gif)
FARDCofficers informed the Group that they had captured a Rwandan soldier who had
been working for Ntaganda while gathering information on the FARDC deployments
at Kibumba at the end of April in preparation of the arrival of M23 (see image
9).
c) An
M23 officer who surrendered from Ntaganda's position at Runyoni stated that he
witnessed how RDF troops supported M23 during their operations. He said that
the RDF use the path going from Kinigi into Chanzu, or the path going through
Njerima to Kanyanja, where Ntaganda's position is located. The same source
reported that RDF troops have been deployed in the park not far from Kanyanja
to assist the rebels during combat operations against the FARDC. He estimated
that there were around 150 RDF troops deployed at Kanyanja.
d) Another
ex-M23 officer who surrendered from Ntaganda's position at Runyoni told the
Group that he personally witnessed how one RDF battalion came to reinforce the
mutineers after a FARDC helicopter bombarded their positions. The RDF unit
passed through Ntaganda's base and went to support Zimurinda on Bugina hill.
e) After
deserting the M23 from his position at Mbuzi hill, another ex-M23 officer told
the Group that he witnessed RDF units come to support the rebels on three
occasions after FARDC advances.
f)
g) An
ex-M23 soldier recruited in Rwanda reported that among the 40 RDF soldiers who
accompanied the recruits until the DRC border, 20 continued marching and
remained with Ntaganda at his position after changing into FARDC uniforms.
h) An
ex-RDF officer asserted that two RDF units have been deployed to Kinigi, and have
specifically been tasked with periodically reinforcing the M23 in the DRC.
i)
Radio communications between RDF and M23
intercepted by FARDC and shared with the Group, demonstrate that an RDF officer
acknowledges having received a visit of M23 officers on Rwandan territory,
while an M23 officer states that they already had received 400 – 500 soldiers
in reinforcement from the RDF and requests additional troops (see image 10).[16]
j)
Several displaced leaders
from areas currently under the control of M23 told the Group that the rebels
occupying their home villages have been joined by other soldiers identified as
Rwandan because of their distinct military equipment, notably their green high
boots, bright spotted uniforms, waterproof tents and packed food items.
k) Two
civilians from Chanzu interviewed by the Group in May saw Rwandan soldiers also
crossing into the DRC, initially wearing RDF military uniforms who subsequently
changed into FARDC uniforms.
32.
Since the beginning of 2011, two joint RDF and FARDC units have been deployed
in Rutshuru territory to conduct operations against the FDLR.[17]
Though these units have not taken part in hostilities alongside M23, FARDC
officers told the Group that they feared such a scenario.
F. Rwandan
officials responsible for support to M23
33.
Throughout the Group's investigations, it has systematically gathered
testimonies from former M23 combatants, M23 collaborators, ex-RDF officers,
Congolese intelligence, FARDC commanders, and politicians which affirm the
direct involvement in the support to M23 from senior levels of the Rwandan
government.[18]
a) General Jacques Nziza, the
Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Defence, supervises all military,
financial, and logistic support as well as mobilization activities related to
M23. He has recently been deployed to Ruhengeri and Gisenyi to coordinate M23 assistance
and recruitment.
b) General James Kabarebe, the
Rwandan Minister of Defense, with the support of his personal secretary Captain Celestin Senkoko, also is a
central figure in recruitment and mobilizing political and military support to
M23. Kabarebe has often been in direct contact with M23 members on the ground
to coordinate military activities.
c) General Charles Kayonga, the
RDF Chief of Staff manages the overall military support to M23. Kayonga is
frequently in communication with Makenga and oversaw the transfer of Makenga's
troops and weapons through Rwanda.
d) The
military support on the ground has been channeled by General Emmanuel Ruvusha, RDF Division commander based in Gisenyi,
as well as General Alexi Kagame, RDF
Division commander based at Ruhengeri. Both facilitate recruitment of civilians
and demobilized soldiers to M23 as well as coordinating RDF reinforcements in
Runyoni with M23 commanders.
e) Colonel Jomba Gakumba, a
native of North Kivu, who used to be an RDF instructor at the Rwandan Military
Academy at Gako, was redeployed to Ruhengeri since the creation of M23, where
he has been in charge of commanding locally military operations in support of
M23.
34.
Ex-RDF officers, politicians, M23 collaborators also informed the Group that
Ntaganda and Makenga have been regularly crossing the border into Rwanda to
carrying out meetings with any of the above-mentioned senior RDF officers at
Kinigi in order to coordinate operations and supplies. Two Rwandan nationals
who surrendered from M23 witnessed such meetings between Makenga and senior RDF
officers at Kinigi, on several occasions. Those same sources also stated that
former CNDP chairman General Laurent Nkunda, officially under house arrest by
the Rwandan government since January 2009, often comes from Kigali to
participate in these meetings.
III. Rwandan support to armed groups and
mutinies linked to the M23
35.
In addition to RDF support to M23, the Group has gathered evidence indicating
that Rwandan officials have been supporting other armed groups and mutinies often
using Ntaganda and other ex-CNDP commanders to foster such alliances. Acting
through these armed groups, Rwandan officials managed to weaken the FDLR
through a series of targeted killings of FDLR officers. M23 officers and armed
group leaders have acknowledged these alliances with the common aim of
destabilizing the central Government.
A. Nduma Defence of Congo – NDC
36.
Rwandan officials have been in direct contact with NDC commander Sheka Ntabo Ntaberi,
and supported him in organizing the targeted killing of FDLR Montana battalion
commander "Lieutenant Colonel" Evariste Kanzeguhera alias "Sadiki" " (see paragraphs 37 and 61 of interim report). According
to intelligence officers, two former NDC combatants, and close NDC collaborators,
on 4 November 2011, Ntaberi travelled to Rwanda, with Ntaganda's facilitation.
Upon arrival to Gisenyi RDF officers entrusted him with the task of killing Kanzeguhera
and gave him money for the operation. After
having killed Kanzeguhera on 20 November 2011, Ntaberi surrendered to FARDC
Sector commander Colonel Chuma Balumisa in Walikale. Balumisa informed the Group
that he had received a direct call from Rwandan head of military intelligence at
that time, General Richard Rutatina,[19]
ordering Balumisa to ensure that Ntaberi board a plane sent by Ntaganda to
Walikale to evacuate him to Rwanda (see paragraph 62 of interim report).[20]
An NDC deserter in mid-April reported that during the ex-CNDP mutiny, Ntaberi
received telephone calls from Ntaganda and senior Rwandan officials on a daily
basis (see paragraph 93 interim report and annex 6). These communications were confirmed
by a separate NDC collaborator. M23 members acknowledged to the Group that they
are allied to Ntaberi and the NDC.
B. Forces pour
la Défense du Congo – FDC
37.
In early 2012, Rwandan officials tasked FDC commanders to assassinate FDLR
supreme commander "General" Sylvestre Mudacumura. To support them with this operation, Ntaganda provided
FDC with weapons, ammunition, and several trained ex-CNDP officers.During the operation against the FDLR Headquarters,
carried out on 11 January 2012, FDC combatants successfully killed FDLR Chief
of Staff Leodomir Mugaragu (see paragraph 38 interim report). One former FDC officer who participated in the
operation told the Group that the FDC received the support of four Rwandan
commando officers deployed to strengthen the FDC for that occasion. Local
authorities in both Masisi and Walikale as well as FDLR officers also confirmed
the direct involvement of the RDF in this attack.
C. Local Defences forces at Busumba
38. Erasto Ntibaturama, a close CNDP ally, is a local
militia commander at Busumba in Masisi territory. His local defense forces,
comprised of over 50 men, acted under the command of ex-CNDP Lieutenant Colonel
Gasheri Musanga in support of Colonel Zimurinda's mutineers in northern Masisi.
When the mutineers left Masisi, a part of Ntibaturama's militia followed the
mutineers to Runyoni, including Ntibaturama's son and CNDP political candidate,
Erasto Bahati, alongside with Musanga. According to ex-CNDP officers and
politicians, Ntibaturama had then crossed the border into Rwanda where the RFP
provided him with a residence in Gisenyi.
D. Coalition des
groupes armés de l'Ituri – COGAI
39.
Rwandan support to armed groups is not limited to the Kivus. In Ituri District,
the Group has confirmed attempts by the RDF to convince FARDC commanders to
defect from the Congolese army and join the newly created Coalition des groupes armés de l'Ituri – COGAI rebel movement.
FARDC officers have stated to the Group that General Kabarebe made a series of
telephone calls with these instructions in early 2012. COGAI unites former
militia members from different ethnic backgrounds under the leadership of FRPI
commander ethnic Lendu "Brigadier General Banaloki alias "Cobra Matata" (see paragraphs 51 & 52 interim report).
According to FARDC, intelligence sources and COGAI sympathizers, Banaloki
has been approached by prominent members of the Hema community, seeking to
create an alliance against Kinshasa following the conviction of Thomas Lubanga
by the ICC.
| Image 11: Text
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community leader also shared with the Group that a COGAI delegation travelled
to Kigali between 27 May and 4 June 2012. COGAI representatives met with General
James Kabarebe, the Rwandan Minister of Defense. Upon the delegation's return
to Ituri, it reported back to Banaloki and handed him $15,000 in cash it had
received.
E. Union de
congolais pour la défense de la démocratie – UCDD
41.
The UCDD was established in wake of the creation of the M23 in order to
compensate for Makenga's departure from South Kivu. The head of the UCDD,
Xavier Chiribanya is the former governor of South Kivu during RPF control over
the Kivus and a long-standing secessionist.[21]
According to Congolese intelligence sources and detained political leaders, Chiribanya
has been living under the protection of the Rwandan government since he fled
from Bukavu in 2003. The same sources indicated that while in Gisenyi following
his flight from Goma, Makenga met with Chiribanya to plan the creation of the
UCDD. On 9 May 2012, Chiribanya diffused the news about the establishment of
the UCDD by text message (see image 11).
| Image 13: Text
|
| Image 12: Text
|
series of meetings with armed group leaders during which he has claimed full
support from the Rwandan government to pursue open rebellion against Kabila in
order to obtain the secession of the eastern Congo. One former UCDD member
stated that Chiribanya told him in a meeting on 24 May in Bujumbura that Rwanda
had over 2000 ex-FDLR combatants trained for their struggle. According to an official signed statement of a
detained armed group leader, Chiribanya invited others to meetings in Rwanda "to
harmonize their efforts with the Rwandan authorities." The Group obtained a
text message from a UCDD member which confirmed such invitations (see image 12).
43.
Furthermore, according to Congolese intelligence, FARDC officers, and a former
UCDD member, Chiribanya has already provided weapons to multiple armed groups
in Uvira territory as well as Mai Mai Yakutumba in Fizi territory.[22]
The Group has obtained text messages of UCCD communications with the latter
(see image 13). According to several
FARDC officers and intelligence sources, Chiribanya has also established ties
with units of Raia Mutomboki in South Kivu's Nindja forest and communicates
frequently with FARDC deserter Colonel Albert Kahasha of the Union des patriots
congolais pour la paix (UPCP) in Southern Lubero (see paragraphs 126 & 127
of interim report). Kahasha's UPCP has facilitated the movement ex-CNDP
deserters seeking to join M23 in Rutshuru.[23]
E. Conseil
Supérieur de la Paix- CONSUP
44. CONSUP was created in December 2011 following the
elections in order to foment unrest amongst disgruntled populations who
questioned the credibility of the November vote (see paragraph 128 of the
interim report). Unsuccessful legislative candidates joined forces with senior
commanders of former armed groups within the FARDC, notably the FRF and the
CNDP.In preparatory meetings in the FRF
Headquarters in Bukavu in the early weeks of January ex-CNDP officers Lieutenant
Colonel Vianney Kazarama and Colonel Seraphin Mirindi[24]
represented Colonel Makenga. During the
same meeting, Kazarama named the future governors and political representatives
for the eastern Congo. According to detained former CONSUP members, several
individuals attending such meetings claimed the movement had the full support
of Rwanda.
| Image 14: Extract
|
spark unrest by agitating members of the political opposition through urban
strikes and protests until staged provocations of the security forces would
lead to the killings of protestors, thus sparking an armed rebellion against
President Kabila. According to several CONSUP members detained before it could
take action, following the uprising in Bukavu, "reinforcements from the RDF
were to come from Cyangugu/Rusizi in Rwanda with the pretext of coming to
assist the Rwandophone population or Rwandan citizens supposedly the victims of
persecutions or targeted by the manifestation" (see image 14) CONSUP leader
René Kahukula is currently in hiding in Rwanda according to Congolese
intelligence and FARDC commanders.
F. Ex-FARDC
Colonel Bernard Byamungu
46.
From the earliest stages of the mutiny in South Kivu, Rwandan Minister of
Defence, General James Kabarebe, provided Colonel Bernard Byamungu with direct
operational orders, according to former mutineers and senior FARDC officers.
Three former bodyguards of Byamungu told the Group that Kabarebe was in
consistent communications with Byamungu as he awaited the arrival of other
mutineers from Fizi territory during the first days of April (see paragraphs
73-77 of interim report). Another former mutineer personally overheard one of
these conversations, which took place at 22:00 on 3 April 2012, during which
Kabarebe called Byamungu to ask about the current status of preparations for
the mutiny and the ambush set up for South Kivu Amani Leo Operations Commander,
Colonel Delphin Kahimbi. The same source indicated that members of the RDF's
intelligence branch followed up this call on the same number to order Byamungu
to conduct his operation to seize the town of Uvira the following day. When
Byamungu began to run low on supplies, another ex-mutineer who deserted with
Byamungu stated that Kabarebe told Byamungu that he would seek supplies of
ammunitions from other armed groups in the vicinity.[25]Furthermore, when it became apparent that
Byamungu's mutiny in South Kivu would not succeed in reaching the provincial
capital of Bukavu, according to senior FARDC officers, Kabarebe made several
pleas by phone to senior FARDC officers to ensure Byamungu's security and swift
return to his command position in Uvira.
G. Ex- FARDC Colonel Innocent Kaina
47.
Senior FARDC officers told the Group that upon his desertion in Rutshuru
territory in early April 2012, Colonel Innocent Kaina had sought to take
control of the border town of Bunagana and proceed to establish a base at
Runyoni.However, upon taking Bunagana on
8 April 2012, Kaina and his 80 troops were dislodged on the same day. Ex-CNDP
and FARDC officers, local politicians, as well as a surrendered mutineer told
the Group that Kaina subsequently crossed the border into Rwanda to escape
pursuit from the FARDC. The same sources also confirmed that after spending ten
days in Rwanda, Kaina returned to join the mutineers in Masisi (see paragraph
82 of interim report).
IV. Rwandan support to sanctioned
individuals
A. General Bosco
Ntaganda
48.
Despite M23's apparent aim to avoid association with Ntaganda, he has esablished
a military position at Runyoni and is still considered as the highest CNDP/M23
commander (see paragraph 105 of interim report). As such, all support to the
rebel group also constitutes direct support to a sanctioned individual.
| Image 15:
|
regime's travel ban and assets freeze measures placed on Ntaganda have not been
respected by the Rwandan government. Intelligence officers, politicians, two
close collaborators of the Rwandan government, an ex-CNDP officer from
Ntaganda's entourage, as well as a former M23 combatants from Ntaganda's
position at Runyoni, all informed the Group that in the course of the month of
May, Ntaganda crossed the border from Runyoni into Rwanda several times, and
participated in meetings with high RDF and government officials in Kigali and
Ruhengeri.
50.
Furthermore, politicians, ex-CNDP officers, and intelligence officers informed
the Group that Ntaganda owns a house in Gisenyi where he evacuated his family.
He also partially owns Hotel Bishokoro at Kinigi, officially a property of his
brother, used in the recruitment activities carried out by RDF soldiers for
M23. Both Ntaganda's house and hotel are still under construction (see image
15). His possessions and investments continue to be managed by Cubi Wasabahizi,
Ntaganda's relative who operates from Gisenyi.
B. Colonel
Innocent Zimurinda
51.
The Group found evidence that Colonel Innocent Zimurinda, currently operating
with M23, travelled to Rwanda for meetings with the Rwandan government. Intelligence
sources, an ex-CNDP officer and two RDF officers confirmed that on 9 April,
Zimurinda came to Gisenyi to participate, alongside with Minister of Defense Kabarebe,
and other Rwandan and DRC officials, in a meeting to address the crisis at the outset
of the ex-CNDP mutiny.
C. "General" Sheka
Ntabo Ntaberi
52.
Ex-CNDP officers, intelligence sources, and ex-combatants informed the Group
that Sheka has travelled at least once to Rwanda since carrying out the
operation to kill FDLR "Lieutenant Colonel" Kanzeguhera. Ntaberi was designated
by the Sanctions Committee on 28 November 2011.
IV. Rwandan
government response
53. In response
to recent NGO and media reports alleging Rwandan support to M23, the Rwandan
government has categorically denied them. On 28 May, the Rwandan Ministry of
Foreign Affairs responded by calling such statements "false and dangerous" (see
annex 7). In meetings with the Group, Rwandan government representatives have
confirmed this official position.
| Image 16: One of
|
Group that M23 recruitment may be taking place within Rwanda but attributed it
to Congolese nationals acting independently. Furthermore, the same sources
stated that among the surrendered combatants of Rwandan nationality, 11 provided
false testimonies about RDF involvement in their recruitment because they were
tortured by the FARDC. On 22 June 2012, the Rwandan newspaper, the New Times,
subsequently published a story with similar claims (see annex 8).
FINAL_files/image038.gif)
55. TheRwandan government participated in the Joint Verification Commission (JVC) established
by the Governments of the DRC and Rwanda to interview 11 Rwandan nationals who
surrendered to MONUSCO on 20 May 2012. At the conclusion of the interviews on 9
June, the Rwandans submitted their findings which attested that they found no
evidence in the testimonies to implicate the RDF in any support to M23 (see
annex 9). Furthermore, citing a need to
return to Kigali for consultations, the Rwandan delegation failed to sign the
confirmation of the JVC's collective findings. On 10 June, the DRC delegation
proceeded to sign a "Procès verbale de carence" along with a representative of
MONUSCO as an observer in the process (see annex 10). Nevertheless, prior to
his return to Kigali, the head of the Rwandan delegation, RDF Major Sam
Ruhunga, signed the official records of interviews for nine of the eleven
Rwandan nationals jointly interviewed by both government delegations (see image
16).
56.
In a briefing to the African Union's Peace and Security Council on 21 June, the
Ambassador Joseph Nesengimana stated that the "Government of Rwanda bares no
responsibility, whatsoever, in the ensuing set of regrettable events and
misguided initiatives that ruined prior constructive efforts and escalated the
crisis towards full-blown military confrontation." Furthermore, Nsengimana
added that "Rwanda has been receiving detailed information on collusion between
and support from FARDC units to FDLR forces" (see annex 11) The M23 rebels made
similar accusations in a press communiqué [26]
on 22 may 2012 in which they stated that they "detain irrefutable proof that
FARDC positions have been held by FDLR troops", while denying accusations by the
DRC government that they have themselves allied with FDLR (see paragraph 105 interim
report and annex 12). The Group will continue to investigate such allegations,
but has not yet obtained or been presented with any substantiated evidence in
this regard.
57.
The DRC authorities have presented the Rwandan government authorities with
information regarding RDF support to M23 on several occasions. At the Rwandan
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, on 27 May 2012, during a bilateral meeting between
the two countries, DRC authorities shared detailed accounts of the facilitation
provided to Makenga, his troops, and his weapons by the RDF. Furthermore, on 19
June, the DRC authorities presented the Rwandan Minister of Foreign Affairs,
during her visit to Kinshasa, with a comprehensive report documenting Rwandan
support for M23. To date, the Group has not received any official response or
explanation from the Rwandan government regarding the information provided to
it by Congolese government.
58.
The Group has made extensive efforts to engage with the Rwandan government
regarding its findings, with some limited success. All six members of the Group
participated in an official visit to Kigali from 12-14 May 2012, though the
Rwandan government did not receive them for any substantive meetings to discuss
these issues. However, during a meeting to discuss these current findings on
arms embargo and sanctions regime violations in New York on 25 June 2012, the
Rwandan Minister of Foreign Affairs invited the Group to Kigali to for a second
official visit in order to conduct an exhaustive point-by-point review of the
information contained in this addendum. The Group is eager to accept such an
invitation and is committed to clarifying and/or correcting any information in
this addendum in its final report to be submitted to the Committee in October
2012.
[1] The
Group's submitted
its interim report to the Committee on 18 May 2012, who
in turn
transmitted it to
the Security Council on 21 June 2012.
[2]
Paragraph 1 of Security Council Resolution 1897 decides that"all States shall take the necessary measures
to prevent the direct or indirect supply, sale or transfer, from their
territories or by their nationals, or using their flag vessels or aircraft, of
arms and any related materiel, and the provision of any assistance, advice or
training related to military activities, including financing and financial
assistance, to all non-governmental entities and individuals operating in the
territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo;"
[3] See official
list of designated individuals and entities for the Sanctions Committee 1533 at http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1533/pdf/1533_list.pdf
[4] The
last FDLR officer to be assassinated was Captain Theophile,
the S3
of the Military
Police Battalion, in late February 2012.
[5] The
corresponding village along the border in DRC is also called Gasizi.
[6] CNDP issued an
official communiqué announcing the creation of M23 on 6 May 2012, just after
the desertion of Colonel Makenga.
[7] The CNDP held a stronghold in Runyoni in 2008.
See S/2008/773 paragraph 64 b)
[8] In 2008 Njerima also served as entry point for infiltrations
from Rwanda into DRC. See S/2008/773, paragraph 64 b).
[9]At Runyoni, the
mutineers established positions on Runyoni, Chanzu, Kanyanja, Jomba, Kavumu,
Mbuzi, or Bugina hills.
[10] These
ex-FDLR combatants re-mobilized from Rwanda should not be confused with the
FDLR splinter group "Mandevu" which is also fighting alongside M23. See
paragraphs 100-102 of the interim report.
[11] Captain
Celestin Senkoko, a native from Goma, has previously worked for
General
Jacques Nziza, and currently
works as the personal assistant for the Rwandan Minister of
Defence James Kabarebe.
For
years,
he has been executing specific aspects related to Rwandan
foreign policy in the DRC. In particular, he played an
instrumental role in the distribution of weapons by Tous pour la Paix et le
Développement (TPD) designated for targeted sanctions by the Committee for
these same acts on 1 November 2005
(http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2005/sc8546.doc.htm)
[12] James Kabarebe is
the Rwandan Minister of Defence, formerly the Rwandan Chief of Staff, has
traditionally been in charge of the "Congo file" within the Rwandan
Government.
[13] John
Rucyahana has been the head of the Anglican Church at Ruhengeri, president of
the Bagogwe community from Rwanda, and President of the
Rwandan Unity
and Reconciliation Commission.
[14] The
Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) is the ruling party of President Paul Kagame.
[15] A participant to the
Gisenyi and Ruhengeri meetings informed the Group that the
conclusions of the meetings included the creation of various cells in Gisenyi, Masisi,
Goma, and Ruhengeri, in charge with collecting financial
contributions
to purchase supplies
for M23.
[16] This
cassette has been placed in UN archives for future reference.
[17] See
paragraph 116 of the Group's 2011 final report (S/2011/738).
[18] As
per paragraph 6 above, the Group has identified the following individuals based
upon the testimony of at least five separate credible and independent
sources.
[19] In
January 2012, along with three other senior RDF officers, General Rutatina was
suspended form his duties and subsequently placed under house arrest as a
result of accusations that he was involved in unauthorized private business
ventures in the DRC.
[20] Colonel Balumisa has
been assassinated by Ntaberi during the CNDP mutiny in April 2012, on orders
from Ntaganda, following refusal to ally to the mutineers.
[21] Chiribanya was
condemned for his alleged involvement in the killing of former DRC President
Laurent Kabila. He is also one of the founding members of the Mudundu 40 armed
group which collaborated closely with the RDF during their deployments to the
DRC between 1998 & 2002. In 2003, Chiribanya launched a secessionist movement
whose aim was to break away Maniema, North Kivu, South Kivu provinces and Ituri
district from the rest of the DRC.
[22] M23
officers confirmed for the Group that they are indeed allied to Mai Mai
Yakutumba.
[23] Ex-CNDP
Lieutenant Colonel Yusuf Mboneza defected from the FARDC in Beni on 16 June and
instead of joining M23 actually remained with Kahasha and Lafontaine to
strengthen the UPCP.
[24] Both
officers have subsequently joined the M23 rebellion.
[25] Byamungu
was already in communication with the Burundian rebel groups of the FNL and
FRONABU to help facilitate his flight, according to several FNL officers in
Uvira territory.
[26] CNDP/M23
Press Communiqué 012/M23/CNDP/2012.
Subject: Re: [PK] Re: Paul Kagame: I asked America to kill Congo rebel leader with drone
To: "progressive-kenyans@googlegroups.com" <progressive-kenyans@googlegroups.com>
Date: Sunday, June 9, 2013, 3:00 AM
To: "progressive-kenyans@googlegroups.com" <progressive-kenyans@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Saturday, June 8, 2013 1:59 PM
Subject: Re: [PK] Re: Paul Kagame: I asked America to kill Congo rebel leader with drone
Paul Kagame
| Paul Kagame | |
|---|---|
 | |
| President of Rwanda | |
| Incumbent | |
| Assumed office 24 March 2000 | |
| Prime Minister | Bernard Makuza Pierre Habumuremyi |
| Preceded by | Pasteur Bizimungu |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 23 October 1957 Tambwe, Ruanda-Urundi (now Nyarutovu Village, Buhoro Cell, Ruhango Sector, Ruhango District, Southern Province, Rwanda) |
| Political party | Rwandan Patriotic Front |
| Spouse(s) | Jeannette Nyiramongi |
| Children | Ivan Cyomoro Kagame, Ange Kagame, Ian and Brian |
| Religion | Roman Catholicism[1] |
To: Collins Abuga <progressive-kenyans@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Saturday, June 8, 2013 8:25 PM
Subject: RE: [PK] Re: Paul Kagame: I asked America to kill Congo rebel leader with drone
| From: Maurice Oduor Sent: Saturday, 8 June 2013 11:08 PM To: Progressive Kenyans Reply To: progressive-kenyans@googlegroups.com Subject: Re: [PK] Re: Paul Kagame: I asked America to kill Congo rebel leader with drone |
Both you and Judy have no ide (idea?) what is going on in Congo."
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,
USA
http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com
Monetary Policy and Trade
- Mr. Mvemba Dizolele, Peter Duignan Distinguished Visiting Fellow, Hoover Institution
- Mr. Rick Goss, Senior Vice President of Environment and Sustainability, Information Technology Industry Council
- Ms. Sophia Pickles, Policy Advisor, Global Witness
Paul Kagame: I asked America to kill Congo rebel leader with drone
In an exclusive interview with Chris McGreal in Kigali, Rwanda's president denies backing an accused Congolese war criminal and says challenge to senior US official proves his innocence- Share291
- Chris McGreal in Kigali
- The Observer, Saturday 18 May 2013
- Jump to comments (46)
| U.S. SEC requires company disclosures on use of DR Congo minerals |
| The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) on Wednesday approved a rule that would require public companies to disclose information on the use of minerals from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Under the rule, public companies would have to disclose annually their tracing of the minerals back to the sources if they use in their products the designated minerals from the DRC and neighboring countries, where armed groups have profited much from mining minerals used in electronics, jewelry and other goods... (view news)
|
M23 Political Leader Bertrand Bisimwa's letter to Ban Ki Moon
M23 Leader Bertrand Bisimwa's letter to Mary ROBINSON
M23 letter To Yoweri Museveni Kaguta President of Uganda
GOMA – RDC : Une tragédie à l'horizon
Des soldats de parade, aussi remarquables les jours de défilé qu'inaptes sous le feu. They look like soldiers on parade, but useless under fireWhen the Intervention Brigade of MONUSCO, established by resolution 2098 of the Security Council of the UN to "neutralize" the forces of the Congolese Revolutionary Army, the military wing of the M23 will be ready to act, simply a trigger episode like Mutaho-joint FARDC-FDLR offensive against the positions of the CRA and the response, although contained, this latest addition to spark action on the ground of the new UN special unit under the command of a Tanzanian general. This will not be limited, therefore, to exert a deterrent but will deploy in battle order against the troops of General Sultani Makenga military leader M23.
In this perspective of "final battle" against the "Congolese revolution" of the M23, is sadly consumes drift UN abdicate their role founder of Global Partnership for Peace to turn into an aggressive force against any form of resistance the new world order established by the great powers. An order requiring low power and predator in the DRC with Joseph Kabila as head of state and will be defended at any cost, even at the risk of flare again the subregion. Thus, the alliance looming in the hills and jungles of Kivu between Helmets Blues, FARDC and FDLR sign-in collusion against theoretically kind between a peacekeeping mission to become war-forces genocidal death sentence UN as an impartial regulator of conflict and the final loss of its legitimacy as an agent of peace.
But the events of Mutaho we learn a second lesson. Provocation orchestrated by Kabila on the eve of the visit of the UN Secretary General in Kinshasa shows how much the tenant of the Palace of the Nation feels buoyed by its international sponsors. They probably do mine to criticize his inaction on commitments made in the framework agreement in Addis Ababa. But in reality they are the last to be interested in a genuine process of reform in the DRC, which endows eg the giant Central African army in a position to enforce its national sovereignty and a power capable of ensure the development and ensure the welfare of its people.
Yet, before it is too late, we need at least the countries of the sub region are measuring the impact of the intervention of the UN Brigade. Because all will not stand idly by ethnic cleansing and extermination of Banyarwanda in North Kivu communities.
RDC: Le viol est utilisé comme une arme de guerre
El Memey MurangwaMay
23
El Memey Murangwa
El Memey Murangwa
We've seen everything in this country by his fabulous wealth had become a paradise. Alas! Successive wars with them, the joy of the poor people who know what gods entrust their despair. Unpaid for beautiful Lurettes, those who are committed to the protection of persons and property rob, extort and cause death. The woman pays a high price for the escalating violence.
First foster family since employment has become a rare commodity in this country with huge arable land, she wakes up in the morning, through the dense forest to the field for the return it could well feed his household. Most often it comes in tears after suffering a humiliating treatment by armed men who seized a large part of his harvest and raped in turn. These crooked not even hesitate to do the same on the age minor who accompanies his mother.
Back in the village deserted by men, it is often greeted by wailing from old mothers who curse weapon bearers who have not had cold eyes discovering the nakedness of those who had in the recent past the respect for all generations. Said Democratic Congo, the state has ceased to exist for twenty years in the provinces of armed men impose arbitrary and commit a pauperized population by successive dictatorships.
Intellectuals and young disabled seek refuge in neighboring countries waiting to jump on the first opportunity to go to the West for a better life. In this tragedy, the government remains silent. Instead of going after those who violate the supporters of autocratic power are only interested in those who threaten the regime while continuing to rape his way. Dehumanized men leaving women violated condemning their offspring to an uncertain future. Children born to these despicable acts become street children and provide a nursery that quickly produces unrepentant rapists. Congo rape has become a weapon of war, victims are held spellbound by an uncivil army authorities to extend their spaces may contribute to the development of the Congolese nation.
The press speaks timidly faiths criticize this inhuman behavior in churches but dare not challenge those in power on this issue. The international press spoke little and justify the information by the inaccessibility of war zones lacking. A strange war that destroys human values and contributes to the emergence of a generation without heart. A war that vehicle shameful disease and germs of death. A war which destabilizes the family matrix and cell nation. Who will deliver the Congo this burden? The solution will probably not be the World Bank or the UN, but it must come from the Congolese must first become aware of his present condition and learn as fast as possible to take care of.
Paul Kagame: I asked America to kill Congo rebel leader with drone
In an exclusive interview with Chris McGreal in Kigali, Rwanda's president denies backing an accused Congolese war criminal and says challenge to senior US official proves his innocence- Share291
- Chris McGreal in Kigali
- The Observer, Saturday 18 May 2013
- Jump to comments (46)
United States Department of State
(Washington, DC)
Congo-Brazzaville: Human Rights Reports: Republic of the Congo
Is Kagame Africa's Lincoln or a tyrant exploiting Rwanda's tragic history?
In the second part of his special report, Chris McGreal meets President Paul Kagame in Kigali – and finds him angry- Share357
-
- The Observer, Saturday 18 May 2013
- Jump to comments (30)
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